Ghana’s economic crisis was caused by government borrowing - the central bank did the best it could: economist

Ghana is going through its worst economic crisis in a generation. The past two years have seen record high inflation in the country. Ghana’s central bank (the Bank of Ghana) has been criticised in some quarters for its role in the country’s economic malaise, which has hit the profitability of Ghanaian banks. The Conversation Africa’s Godfred Akoto Boafo speaks to economist Emmanuel Ameyaw about monetary policy decisions made by the central bank during this period.

What was the Bank of Ghana’s role in the inflation rate crisis?

In 2002, Ghana’s parliament enacted the Bank of Ghana Act 612, Section 33(2), granting the central bank flexibility and autonomy in the use of monetary policy to tame inflation and promote economic growth. At the time, Ghana was struggling with high inflation and low economic growth. The inflation rate averaged 28% in the decade before 2002, and real GDP growth per capita hovered around 1.45%.

The bank unofficially targeted inflation from 2002 until 2007. Inflation fell from about 30% in 2003 to about 10% by 2007. Ghana’s real GDP per capita also rose to about 2.71%. The bank adopted inflation targeting as its official monetary policy framework in 2007.

But as I show in my recent paper, the decline in the inflation rate from 2002 to 2007 was largely due to fiscal policy – that is, the government’s use of taxation and expenditure to influence the economy – rather than monetary policy which is about adjusting interest rates to affect the economy. The period 2002-2007 coincided with Ghana’s term under the joint IMF-World Bank debt relief programme (also called the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative). During this period, Ghana’s public debt (as a share of GDP) declined from 58% in 2002 to 22.5% in 2007.

I argue that it is this reduction in government debt that underlies the decrease in Ghana’s inflation rate during this period. The central bank during this period maintained a passive monetary policy as it did not need to control the inflation rate.

Government debt began to climb again in 2008 after the end of the debt relief programme. It rose from 24.6% in 2008 to about 79.2% in 2021. This drove up the inflation rate because when the government borrows heavily, it increases demand for goods and services, and without a corresponding increase in the supply of goods and services, prices increase, driving up inflation.

Ghana’s public debt reached its limit in 2022, leading to a downgrade of Ghana’s credit rating from Bs to Cs for the first time since 2003, triggering the 2022 crisis.

What could the central bank have done differently?

Similar to other central banks that target inflation, Ghana’s central bank also has a dual mandate. That is to achieve higher economic growth while keeping a low and stable inflation rate. When these two objectives align perfectly, a central bank is deemed to have achieved “divine coincidence”.

Achieving that, however, is difficult. If the central bank, for example, raises the interest rate to lower the inflation rate, the cost of borrowing also rises, leading to a fall in investment, consumption, and economic output.

The 2022 credit downgrade limited Ghana’s government’s ability to borrow internationally, and also reduced Ghana’s international reserves, resulting in a significant depreciation of the cedi and triggering the 2022 inflation crisis. Similar to achieving a divine coincidence, Ghana’s central bank had two options. It could have stood idle, or it could have stepped in by lending to the government.

The bank lent about 37.9bn cedis (US$3.2 billion) to the government, arguing that this kept the economy going. For example, interest payments on government debt and the salaries of public sector workers were paid on time, and there were no shortages of essential items.

What could the government have done differently to avoid the crisis? Well, the answer is obvious: the government should not have borrowed excessively, leading to the downgrade – the triggers of the crisis.

There is not much the central bank could have done differently in terms of monetary policy, except raising the interest rate even more to control the inflation rate, which has its own costs. This might have reduced the capital outflows and the worsening of the exchange rate. However, it would have also hurt private investment and consumption, which would have lowered economic output. The central bank had limited scope to effectively address the crisis via monetary policy.

Given that economic management is complex and full of trade-offs, I would argue that the Bank of Ghana’s actions during the crisis (that is, lending to the government) were appropriate if a collapse of the economy was indeed imminent. From the perspective of the central bank, it was facing a trade-off between avoiding a fiscal crisis (and hence lower economic growth) and avoiding a higher inflation rate. It chose the former, that is, avoiding a fiscal crisis.

What can the bank do better in future?

The Bank of Ghana appears to have fulfilled its role as a lender of last resort to the government, and prevented a situation where the government might have been unable to meet its financial obligations. On the other hand, lending to the government also worsened the inflation crisis.

As a lender of last resort, the central bank cannot be completely independent from the government. Currently, there are no laws that prohibit fiscal financing. As a result, the central bank has the discretion to not commit to zero fiscal financing, especially when a fiscal crisis is imminent.

In the future, the Ghanaian government could consider legislation prohibiting direct lending by the central bank to the government. There’s a similar policy in place at the European Central Bank. Under such legislation, the government could borrow only through bond sales from the public, but not directly from the central bank. Knowing that it won’t be able to turn to the central bank for funding, the government would likely exercise prudence in its spending to prevent the accumulation of public debt in the first place.

Emmanuel Ameyaw, Researcher, Graduate School of Economics and Management, Tohoku University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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“Cooked Foods In Refrigerator For Three Days Can Cause Death” – NAFDAC Warns

The Director General of the National Agency for Food and Administration and Control, Prof Moji Adeyeye, has issued warning to Nigerians over storing of cooked food in the refrigerator for more than three days.

The NAFDAC boss warned that cooked food stored in the refrigerator for days is vulnerable to disease-causing pathogens, key agents of foodborne diseases that can lead to death.

INFORMATION NIGERIA reports that Adeyeye made this known at the commemoration of the 2024 World Food Safety Day with the theme, ‘Food Safety: Prepare for the Unexpected.’

She urged stakeholders in food industry to take deliberate actions to institute a safety culture in their operations to reduce hazards and risks that could compromise food safety.

Adeyeye warning was made available to the public in a statement released on Tuesday, by the agency’s Resident Media Consultant, Sayo Akintola.

The statement partly reads: “She however, urged Nigerians to refrain from storing cooked food in the refrigerator for more than three days, warning that cooked food stored in the refrigerator for days is susceptible to contamination by disease-causing pathogens, key agents of foodborne diseases that can lead to death.”

The NAFDAC boss also appealed to Nigerians to pay attention to food, adding that it is everyone’s business to watch what they consume.

She said: “Let us all stay true to the statements ‘food safety is everyone’s business’ and ‘food safety is a shared responsibility’ as we celebrate this year’s World Food Safety Day. Working together, we will continue to strengthen our food safety system, ensuring its resilience, robustness, and preparedness for the unexpected.

‘’Let’s all play our part in promoting the culture of good hygiene practices in our homes, communities, and food establishments. Together we can ensure a safer and healthier food supply for everyone.”

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Leaked chat between missing lady Celine and Andrew whom she met on Facebook trends

A purported conversation between a Nigerian woman named Celine and Andrew has appeared online, causing a stir among internet users.

The conversation, which has been circulating online, revealed the discussion between Celine, Afiba, and Andrew before they supposedly went from Port Harcourt to Aba to meet him.

On Instagram, @ijeomadaisy shared the conversation where Andrew, who has since passed away, supposedly reached out to Celine to inquire about the cost of spending time with her and her friend Afiba, who is said to be married.

“So about what I was saying about both of you coming over and keeping me company for a couple of days. How much will it cost me? Like come Saturday, leave Monday.”

Celine, in her alleged response said she would be charging the sum of N1 million just because it was him that made the demand.

“Because of you, N1 million for the both of us,” she replied.

Check out some of the reactions trailing the alleged chat below:

Queenjulietjessey reacted: “Una must find a way to blame single friend. Married people should create their own village abeg.”

0somi said: “Who pushed who? Let everyone take responsibility for their actions and decisions.”

Izuenu added: “This is why some married men don’t let their wives be friends with single ladies. How can you ve married and be doing such? Wtf is wrong with my gender??”

See the post below:

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Call on the one whose name is Jehovah El-Shaddai- Pastor Adeboye tells Nigerians over economic hardship

Pastor E. A Adeboye, founder of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, has faced criticism for urging Nigerians to seek help from God during difficult times.

He emphasized that those in need should call upon Jehovah El-Shaddai, as God is capable of meeting their needs.

He said: “If you need provision if things are hard, and I know things are hard for quite a few of us, call on the one whose name is Jehovah El-Shaddai, the God who is more than enough. Call on Him – the one who is more than enough, and He will meet your needs…He has many ways, depending on what is your needs.

When all ways are blocked, call on Him who is called the way when you don’t even know what’s going on.”

His statement has sparked a massive backlash as netizens slam him for being insensitive.

Chedck out some of the reactions below:

Dany Crank407 “At this point gan this man no deserve any atom of respect again

Card Akan28 “Vit if una need to buy jets or to construct another church na, ur members must pay

Aribadasha “This man dey smoke Igbo

One Call Mee Angie “This man face dey vex me

One Michael Oyinduobra “I’m losing respect for this man as the days goes by

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Pa Ayo Adebanjo is not dead – Afenifere debunks rumours

Pan Yoruba Socio-Political Group, Afenifere, has debunked rumours making the rounds that its leader, Pa Ayo Adebanjo is dead.

A statement signed by Afenifere’s Secretary General, Chief Sola Ebiseni, insisted that the elder statesman is hale and hearty.

Ebiseni said “The attention of the Afenifere, apex Yoruba Socio-Political Organisation has been drawn to a statement making the rounds particularly in the media that our Leader, Chief Ayo Adebanjo is dead.

“Afenifere wishes to say that Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Leader of the Afenifere, whose 96th birthday was celebrated recently, is alive, hale and hearty.

“As a matter of fact Baba presided over a meeting till very late Saturday night where he received a report of a Committee of the Organisation led by Balogun Akin Osuntokun and other eminent Yoruba personalities.

”It is however not unlikely that the rumoured death might not have been a mistaken identity for another distinguished Yoruba son and former Vice Chancellor, University of Ibadan, Professor Ayo Banjo, whose death at the age of 90 years was reported on Friday.

Ebiseni added that “Afenifere wishes to thank numerous Nigerians at home and in the diaspora who have made several calls concerning this unintended mixup, for their demonstrated love and goodwill.

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INVESTIGATION: In Kwara, multimillion-naira milk processing plant is abandoned, converted to a chicken outlet

After the government spent millions of naira to establish a milk processing plant in Kwara State that would provided jobs and dairy products to Nigerians, it rented the facility out to a poultry farmer, who has also shut down business. Peace Oladipo reports

Excitement swept through Omu-Aran upon the establishment of a milk-processing factory in what is the third-largest town in Kwara State. In a town filled with low-paying teaching jobs, the factory raised hopes of diverse employment opportunities and development.

But the optimism was only short-lived. After years of neglect, the milk factory, situated along a row of administrative offices, has become a derelict chicken shop, weather-beaten and overgrown with weeds.

Bade Segun, a car wash attendant who has lived in the town for a decade, remembers how the project held so much promise in the beginning, pointing at the construction signpost of the building.

The plant’s signpost

“People were very happy, and a relative of mine even wanted to apply for a job. After completion, we learned that the community would need to take over the purchase of equipment for the process, but nothing has happened for the past 5 years,” Segun recalled.

Oyekanmi Grace, who works at the Ministry of Works, a few metres away from the abandoned milk factory, reminisced that “the project started in 2019 when the king visited the area to look for land for the facility. After obtaining the land, people from Abuja arrived and rushed the project. Within a month, the building was ready. However, since then, the project hasn’t been commissioned.”

During the construction, Grace’s office served as residence for many of the site’s engineers and workers. “I was, like many residents of the town, thrilled when the project commenced. Of course, it implied availability of more milk-related products,” she said.

The Milk Processing Plant

Findings on Govspend.NG, an analytical website tracking the Nigerian government’s daily spending, confirmed that the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development first initiated the project in 2018.

The abandoned Milk Processing plant
Photo: Peace Oladipo

After the contract for establishing the milk-processing plant was awarded to Degan Construction, a construction company based in Abuja, a sum of twenty-seven million, one hundred thirteen thousand, and four hundred ninety-seven naira (₦27,113,497) was disbursed to the contractors. The project began in 2019 and was soon completed within a month, residents say.

However, when this reporter visited the location of the milk processing factory in January 2024, she found an abandoned poultry in its stead. The once-promising infrastructure intended for dairy production now lays idle, its machinery left to neglect and rot.

The conversion into a poultry outlet

Dare Sunday, a worker at the Nigeria Fire Service, made more shocking revelations about the facility: The Federal Ministry in charge did not commission or hand over the project to the Omu-Aran community, like many government projects initiated during the same season in the state. “However, the milk processing factory is one of the few that have not been vandalized by hoodlums,” Segun remarked.

A year after the building was completed and equipped with a Mikano generator, officials from the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development in Ilorin visited the site, calling on individuals interested in leasing the milk factory’s building.

“Before it was rented out, through the neighborhood’s bush burning, a nearby palm tree caught fire that spread to the facility, causing a part of the building to burn. The intervention of the fire service saved the whole building that particular day,” Sunday told this reporter.

The reported fire incident prompted the intervention of the ministry’s officials in the state capital to get the factory working, three years after completion.

In a telephone conversation, Oye Olaide, the manager of the poultry processing business, corroborated Sunday’s claims about the fire incident, noting that because of concerns about the factory’s neglect, the federal ministry called on people interested in the property.

Following the announcement to lease the facility to agro-businesses, Olaide applied, “since poultry is related to milk,” which aligned with the government’s agricultural plans for the structure.

“In 2022 when we arrived, there was no equipment inside. We deal with poultry processing and have built our cold room outside the space. We bring live birds, blast them, and sell the processed products for more than a year.

“However, high inflation forced us to shut down the business towards the end of 2023,” Olaide added.

Owing to rampant inflation, more than 50 per cent of poultry farms including Olaide’s business across Nigeria shut down in 2023, causing the sector to lose over N3 trillion, according to the Poultry Association of Nigeria (PAN).

No comment from the Royalty

This reporter visited the Olomu of Omu-Aran, Oba Abdulraheem Oladele Adeoti, to inquire about actions being taken to revive the factory.

The King’s Palace

“I was in my palace when the staff from the federal ministry involved came to meet me, and with delight, the town provided a location for the project to be erected on,” he said, waving his hand with an air of finality.

He, however, declined to comment on the matter of the abandoned facility, repeatedly saying, “A kìí gbó búburú lénu aborè,” a Yoruba phrase that roughly translates as “no one hears bad/evil from the chief priest of a grove.” This remark means that the head priest of a sacred place should not be questioned or accused of wrongdoing, as they are held in high regard.

Contractors Keep Mute

A review on Manpower Nigeria, and NG Check, platforms used to discover businesses, revealed no contact information of Degan Constructions, the contracted company. Similar searches on the Corporate Affairs Commission portal indicated that the company is currently inactive and hasn’t submitted updated annual returns as required by law.

A screenshot of the company on the CAC portal

Upon visiting the displayed address of the company online, No. 42, Durban Street, Off Ademola Adetokunbo, Wuse II, Abuja, on March 12, 2024, the officials refused to confirm the existence of the company in the building. The official, who declined to divulge his name and position, reiterated, “So many people usually ask for the company here, but it is here and not here too.” He insisted on not releasing any information about the company. A mail with a request for information about the project was sent to the provided official’s email address. Regardless, the mail was left unanswered despite being read minutes after it was sent.

Degan Construction’s Office in Abuja

Ministry Violates Freedom of Information Act

A Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request was sent to the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development on March 5, 2024, seeking details about the project, including the money spent, the level of the project completion, and reasons for its conversion into a poultry shop.

At the time of filing this report, the ministry had yet to respond to the request, weeks after its submission. This contravenes the FOI Act 2011, which mandates a seven-day response period for FOI requests. Repeated calls to an official at the ministry in Ilorin, the capital city of Kwara, weren’t answered.

A downtrend in the nation’s food production

In an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria, the national president of the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria, (MACBAN) Baba Ngelzarma, maintained that the country spends around $1.7 billion yearly on importing milk into the country.

These indices suggest a significant demand for dairy products that the factory could manufacture, highlighting the existing gap in food processing in Nigeria, which contributes to food scarcity and poverty.

“Agriculture needs to be driven through industrialization,” Aderagbemi Fasakin, the founder of Advic Farms, opined. “That dairy factory can help produce locally made milk and even end up exporting some. The abandonment has a significant effect on the economy of the community and even the nation at large.”

Speaking further about the country’s manufacturing and processing, he added, “How unfortunate we are in a country where we produce what we don’t consume and we consume what we don’t produce.”

He charged the government to establish factories and implement machinery to process food, thereby encouraging the exportation of finished products.

Nigerians, according to him, have developed a preference for purchasing foreign foods and goods, perpetuating the cycle of dependence on imported products and hindering the growth of domestic industries. He compared the abandoned dairy factory to Nigeria’s cocoa export and chocolate importation, stating, “When functioning, the dairy factory could serve as an extension of agricultural industrialization, potentially giving rise to local industries and employment opportunities.”

This report is produced with support from the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism (WSCIJ), under the CMEDIA Project

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Incurable but not hopeless: How hope shapes patients’ awareness of their advanced cancer prognosis

Nurturing hope among patients with cancer and their caregivers is possible and includes coping strategies and exploring realistic goals. (Shutterstock)

Jean Mathews, Queen's University, Ontario and Michael Brundage, Queen's University, Ontario

Hope is defined as the expectation of achieving a future good. Patients with cancer, whether it is curable or not, prioritize cure as their highest hope.

Patients with incurable cancer wish to be informed about their disease and its treatment, but also need to maintain hope. This inner conflict can impact how they process information about their prognosis.

Prognostic awareness

Physicians are ethically obligated to inform patients about their prognosis so that patients can make cancer treatment decisions that are consistent with their values. When oncologists talk to patients about prognosis, they tend to talk about the extent of the disease (localized or metastatic), the goal of the treatment (curative or palliative) and the estimated survival (short months or many years).

Communication about prognosis can be challenging due to physician factors such as skill in discussing bad news, and patient factors such as denial. Some patients with incurable cancer, who are aware of their prognosis but haven’t accepted it, will say the treatment goal is cure.

A younger woman hugging a seated older woman from behind — Hope is a recognized coping strategy in patients with cancer. (Shutterstock)

Previous research indicates that less than half of patients with incurable cancer are aware of their prognosis. This is often attributed to a failure of communication.

But are patients truly unaware, or are they aware and not accepting of their prognosis? If inaccurate prognostic awareness is due to denial in spite of adequate communication from the oncologist, then interventions to improve communication may be ineffective, misguided or even harmful.

Patients with incurable cancer are more likely to receive end-of-life care concordant with their preferences when they have accurate prognostic awareness. Inaccurate prognostic awareness can lead to conflicting treatment decision-making between patients and oncologists, delayed referral to palliative care and more aggressive care at the end of life.

In a study of patients with advanced lung cancer, those who received early palliative care and had accurate prognostic awareness were more likely not to choose intravenous chemotherapy in the last two months of life, which would have been futile and worsened the quality of their end-of-life care.

How prognostic awareness is measured

Measuring prognostic awareness in patients is challenging because their responses may reflect their hopes rather than their true beliefs. In a recent publication in the Journal of the National Cancer Institute, our research team synthesized data from 52 studies measuring prognostic awareness in patients with advanced cancer.

In the majority of studies, prognostic awareness was conceptualized as a binary entity: patients were asked if their cancer was curable, and their responses were coded as either accurate prognostic awareness (patients knew their cancer was incurable and responded that it was incurable) or inaccurate prognostic awareness (they thought it was curable and responded that it was curable).

A few studies included in our review improved upon the binary conceptualization by incorporating hope in the assessment of prognostic awareness.

These studies asked patients about their belief and their doctor’s belief about prognosis and found that about a third of patients will hold onto hope for a cure (responding that they believe their cancer is curable), even when acknowledging that their doctors were treating them with palliative intent. This discordance was attributed to poor coping.

The role of hope

Doctor holds patient's arm with IV — Not all cancer treatments are intended to cure the disease. (Shutterstock)

Hope is a recognized coping strategy in patients with cancer. However, “false” hope may have detrimental effects. Patients may refuse to believe their prognosis and demand aggressive treatments that may cause more harm than benefit.

In the context of advanced cancer, the relationship between hope and hopelessness is balanced by acceptance, which can re-direct hope to new goals beyond cure, such as hope for connection with others and enjoyment of daily pleasures.

Nurturing hope among patients with cancer and their caregivers is possible and includes coping strategies focusing on what can be done (such as control of symptoms) and exploring realistic goals such as dignity and intimacy. Family and spirituality play an important role in supporting patient hope.

Incorporating patient hope into prognostic awareness

We improved upon the binary conceptualization of measuring prognostic awareness by incorporating patient hope, creating a trinary concept: patients who are aware and accepting of their prognosis; aware and not accepting; or truly unaware.

We propose that patients who are aware and accepting should be offered psychological supports to address any negative effects on mood; those who are aware and not accepting should be offered adaptive coping strategies to support their evolving prognostic awareness; and those who are truly unaware will benefit from interventions such as decision-aids and communication training. Early palliative care consultation may be beneficial at each stage of prognostic awareness.

This trinary conceptualization may guide future research to improve our understanding of the impact of hope in the setting of serious illness and help patients receive the right supports in their cancer journey.

Jean Mathews, Assistant Professor, Departments of Medicine and Oncology, Queen's University, Ontario and Michael Brundage, Professor Emeritus of Oncology and Public Health Sciences, Queen's University, Ontario

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Incurable but not hopeless: How hope shapes patients’ awareness of their advanced cancer prognosis

Jean Mathews, Queen's University, Ontario and Michael Brundage, Queen's University, Ontario

Hope is defined as the expectation of achieving a future good. Patients with cancer, whether it is curable or not, prioritize cure as their highest hope.

Patients with incurable cancer wish to be informed about their disease and its treatment, but also need to maintain hope. This inner conflict can impact how they process information about their prognosis.

Prognostic awareness

Physicians are ethically obligated to inform patients about their prognosis so that patients can make cancer treatment decisions that are consistent with their values. When oncologists talk to patients about prognosis, they tend to talk about the extent of the disease (localized or metastatic), the goal of the treatment (curative or palliative) and the estimated survival (short months or many years).

Communication about prognosis can be challenging due to physician factors such as skill in discussing bad news, and patient factors such as denial. Some patients with incurable cancer, who are aware of their prognosis but haven’t accepted it, will say the treatment goal is cure.

Previous research indicates that less than half of patients with incurable cancer are aware of their prognosis. This is often attributed to a failure of communication.

But are patients truly unaware, or are they aware and not accepting of their prognosis? If inaccurate prognostic awareness is due to denial in spite of adequate communication from the oncologist, then interventions to improve communication may be ineffective, misguided or even harmful.

Patients with incurable cancer are more likely to receive end-of-life care concordant with their preferences when they have accurate prognostic awareness. Inaccurate prognostic awareness can lead to conflicting treatment decision-making between patients and oncologists, delayed referral to palliative care and more aggressive care at the end of life.

In a study of patients with advanced lung cancer, those who received early palliative care and had accurate prognostic awareness were more likely not to choose intravenous chemotherapy in the last two months of life, which would have been futile and worsened the quality of their end-of-life care.

How prognostic awareness is measured

Measuring prognostic awareness in patients is challenging because their responses may reflect their hopes rather than their true beliefs. In a recent publication in the Journal of the National Cancer Institute, our research team synthesized data from 52 studies measuring prognostic awareness in patients with advanced cancer.

In the majority of studies, prognostic awareness was conceptualized as a binary entity: patients were asked if their cancer was curable, and their responses were coded as either accurate prognostic awareness (patients knew their cancer was incurable and responded that it was incurable) or inaccurate prognostic awareness (they thought it was curable and responded that it was curable).

A few studies included in our review improved upon the binary conceptualization by incorporating hope in the assessment of prognostic awareness.

These studies asked patients about their belief and their doctor’s belief about prognosis and found that about a third of patients will hold onto hope for a cure (responding that they believe their cancer is curable), even when acknowledging that their doctors were treating them with palliative intent. This discordance was attributed to poor coping.

The role of hope

Hope is a recognized coping strategy in patients with cancer. However, “false” hope may have detrimental effects. Patients may refuse to believe their prognosis and demand aggressive treatments that may cause more harm than benefit.

In the context of advanced cancer, the relationship between hope and hopelessness is balanced by acceptance, which can re-direct hope to new goals beyond cure, such as hope for connection with others and enjoyment of daily pleasures.

Nurturing hope among patients with cancer and their caregivers is possible and includes coping strategies focusing on what can be done (such as control of symptoms) and exploring realistic goals such as dignity and intimacy. Family and spirituality play an important role in supporting patient hope.

Incorporating patient hope into prognostic awareness

We improved upon the binary conceptualization of measuring prognostic awareness by incorporating patient hope, creating a trinary concept: patients who are aware and accepting of their prognosis; aware and not accepting; or truly unaware.

We propose that patients who are aware and accepting should be offered psychological supports to address any negative effects on mood; those who are aware and not accepting should be offered adaptive coping strategies to support their evolving prognostic awareness; and those who are truly unaware will benefit from interventions such as decision-aids and communication training. Early palliative care consultation may be beneficial at each stage of prognostic awareness.

This trinary conceptualization may guide future research to improve our understanding of the impact of hope in the setting of serious illness and help patients receive the right supports in their cancer journey.

Jean Mathews, Assistant Professor, Departments of Medicine and Oncology, Queen's University, Ontario and Michael Brundage, Professor Emeritus of Oncology and Public Health Sciences, Queen's University, Ontario

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Press freedom in Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda: what journalists have to say about doing their jobs

A majority of the world’s population has experienced a decline in press freedom in recent years, according to a UN report. In east Africa, the results are mixed and debatable.

In Rwanda, both international press freedom rankings and journalists on the ground say press freedom has increased over the past 10 years. In neighbouring Uganda, both international rankings and local journalists say media freedom has declined. In Kenya, rankings reflect declining freedom over the past decade, but reporters acknowledge they have more freedom than their counterparts in Uganda and Rwanda.

In our roles as associate professors in journalism and mass communication, we interviewed and surveyed more than 500 journalists in Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya. We learned that the evolution and current state of press freedom in the region is complex. In our book, Press Freedom and the (Crooked) Path Toward Democracy: Lessons from Journalists in East Africa, we provide an updated state of press freedom in these three countries.

We argue that much of the academic research that classifies global media systems has overlooked the world’s most developing nations, and those that have included developing nations have failed to consider their historical contexts. They have worked from a misguided premise that nations develop in a linear fashion – from non-democracy to democracy – and from a restricted press to a free press. In reality, press freedom and democracy ebb and flow.

We examine the impact of social, political, legal and economic factors on media in Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya to help with understanding media systems outside the western world.

We chose to study these three countries because they represent varying stages of development and democracy building. Rwanda, which experienced a genocide in 1994, is in relatively early (though fast paced) stages of reconstruction. Uganda, which experienced a civil war in the 1980s and unrest in the 1990s but arguably not to the extent of Rwanda’s genocide, can be considered in a middle stage of development. Kenya, which has remained largely peaceful, can be understood as being in a more advanced stage of development.

Rwanda

In Rwanda, despite 30 years of economic, social and media progress and development, lingering impacts from the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi permeate the country’s media. Multiple laws limit free expression in the name of genocide prevention, and international press freedom rankings indicate the nation is not free.

Yet, we found that many Rwandan journalists believe that they have a great deal of freedom and that outsiders don’t consider the country’s history when evaluating the media. Outsiders, for example, hear that Rwandan journalists cannot criticise the president or high-ranking government officials and immediately think there is no press freedom. But local journalists say they don’t feel oppressed. They feel relatively free to choose their story topics. They don’t want to publish critical stories because they want to foster peace.

Journalists believe their role is to act as unifiers and right the wrongs of their predecessors who exacerbated the genocide. Public trust in the media remains high, according to focus groups conducted with members of the general public. In Rwanda, there appears to be a relationship between press freedom and distance from conflict. That is, the more time that passes since the country experienced war, the more press freedom it has.

Prioritising social good over media rights has helped the country unify and develop, but over the long term we see signs that Rwanda’s linear path towards increasing democracy and press freedom may not continue. Rather, prioritising peace at the cost of press freedom could limit development and reinforce existing authoritarian power structures.

Uganda

In Uganda, the relationship between press freedom and distance from conflict has been less linear. Some media restrictions have lessened and others have worsened.

Despite a sustained period of peace after conflict with the Lord’s Resistance Army in the northern part of the country that began in the 1980s, press freedom is not increasing as time passes. Overall, journalists in the country largely agree with the international perception that they’re restricted and that the situation is worsening the longer President Yoweri Museveni remains in power. Journalists in Uganda perceive their press freedom to be lower than journalists in neighbouring countries. They also have a more pessimistic outlook.

Government interference, some of which stems from the conflict and some that’s new, remains pervasive. Worn down by government intimidation and repressive laws, coupled with low pay and lack of necessary equipment, some journalists told us they had turned to unethical behaviour, such as acting as spies in the newsroom.

Kenya

Kenya is home to the freest media environment. It’s also the only one in our study that has seen changes in presidential leadership in recent years. But just because a nation regularly holds elections doesn’t mean the path to democratisation and media freedom is smooth.

External measures indicate that Kenya has more press freedom than Uganda and Rwanda, and journalists in the country perceive this to be true. However, data show ups and downs of media freedom that have mirrored varying political administrations and events, including spurts of post-election violence. These ebbs and flows are largely due to politicians or powerful members of society who share ideological goals or have financial interests like owning major media houses and influencing coverage.

Despite the challenges, journalists attribute Kenya’s state of press freedom to the vast international connections the country and its leaders have. An empowered civil society – which stems from both a space for dissent given by public officials, and the culture and spirit of Kenyans – has promoted the growth of human rights, including media freedoms.

Why it matters

After a nuanced examination of the factors that affect the media in each of these countries, our book lists a set of factors that affect press freedom and democracy building.

Specifically, we believe each country’s distance from conflict, political benchmarks, international linkages and civil society strength are central to understanding its degree of press freedom, development and democratisation.

While these factors are not the only elements that influence media landscapes, they are a starting point for better understanding and theorising about press freedom environments.

A free and independent press allows the public to hold leaders accountable, make informed decisions and access a diversity of opinions. This makes it important to accurately understand how free varying media landscapes are, and why.

Karen McIntyre, Assistant Professor, Journalism and Director of Graduate Studies, Richard T. Robertson School of Media and Culture, Virginia Commonwealth University and Meghan Sobel Cohen, Associate Professor, Department of Communication and the Master of Development Practice, Regis University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Mohbad’s Wife Should Agree to a DNA Test – Yomi Fabiyi

Mohbad’s father, Mr. Joseph Aloba had insisted that the singer would not be reburied until the DNA test was conducted.

Nigerian actor Yomi Fabiyi has explained to Wunmi, late wife of singer Mohbad why she has to allow her son undergo a DNA test.

Recall that Wunmi had vowed not to allow anyone conduct DNA test on her son Liam.

Mohbad’s father, Mr. Joseph Aloba had severally insisted that the singer would not be reburied until the DNA test was conducted.

In response to the ongoing controversy, Yomi Fabiyi took to his Instagram page to explain to Wunmi why she might consider the DNA test.

He emphasised that since Liam might inherit his father’s estate, she would need to agree to the test to become a custodian of the estate before Liam comes of age.

“Dear Wunmi, A DNA CAN BE REQUESTED BY MOHBAD’S FAMILY.

“I share in your family’s pain in the loss of Mohbad. May God forgive his sins. I am writing to you based on the prolonged arguments on the issue of DNA concerning Mohbad’s son and ongoing investigation into the actual cause of his death.

“The following reasons are why you can be compelled for a DNA TEST by Mohbad’s family:

i) From the look of things, Mohbad’s death is tilting towards “HOMICIDE” owing to events that happened in the last 48 hours before the singer died. The coroner inquest is an investigation and needs closure before charges.

ii) In a saner cline, those around the deceased, those who tampered with the active crime scenes, are SUSPECTS and should have been taken in for questioning, which include you.

iii) If there is evidence/accusation of infidelity around the time of conception against you or reoccurring domestic violence (and no clear reasons for conflicts), chances are the cause is due to paternity. Only a DNA test can vindicate you, dear. It’s to your advantage.

iv) if Liam will inherit the late singer’s estate and the likely cause of his murder is within the house, the family as a legally interested party can ask you honourably or through the court to conduct a DNA before you can be allowed custodian of their son’s properties on behalf of LIAM, etc. Moreso, the DNA will help investigators narrow their drag nets. NO ONE SHOULD OBSTRUCT POLICE or CORONER’S INVESTIGATION.

v) Mohbad, in an unverified audio released, equally accused you of wanting to kill him. No one knows if it is the normal couples’ fight or if it was due to any other sensitive issue.

vi) Anything that will bring clarity, absolve you of any wrongdoing, erase suspicion around you, get justice for Mohbad should interest you,including a DNA TEST.

vii) Your continued back and forth is an attempt to infuriate members of the public and pitch irritates youths against the Police and government. No sooner, people will conclude that someone powerful is shielding you. And that person can’t be more powerful than a determined masses.

-Yomi Fabiyi”.

Published in Entertainment

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Michael Abiodun