Saturday, 05 October 2024
Michael Abiodun

Michael Abiodun

 

War has become a regular part of life for many children. Millions are victims and witnesses to the horrors of war. Recent estimates by researchers at the Peace Research Institute Oslo show that one in six children globally lives in a conflict zone, and Africa has the highest number of conflict-affected children.

Many children are forced to become child soldiers. In other cases, such as during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, violence is aimed at children.

In recent years, researchers from various fields have been studying the impact on children of growing up in war zones. Psychologists, for example, have been researching how conflict affects children’s mental health and behaviour. Economists have examined, among other issues, how growing up in these environments can limit future earning capabilitites. Other scholars have investigated how war shapes the long-term (political) attitudes of these children.

Despite this growing body of research, we – a group of researchers who look into the causes and consequences of armed conflict for children – spotted two key gaps.

First, much of the literature treats children’s experiences as if they were the same across different contexts. Few studies have considered the distinct experiences of girls as soldiers or how these differ from boys’ experiences.

Second, while some research does explore these gender differences, it often focuses only on what happens during the conflict. It doesn’t consider how these experiences affect social relationships when the conflict ends. This is despite scholars and policymakers highlighting that girls’ experiences in war are fundamentally different from those of boys due to their different status and role in society.

To address these gaps, we conducted an exploratory study from 2018 to 2019 on the experiences of boys and girls during conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). We studied how these gendered experiences might have affected their social relationships after the war. We interviewed 315 children aged between 12 and 18, with different levels of exposure to conflict. This included 186 respondents who had been involved in armed groups.

Our recently published analysis revealed, as expected, that many children had witnessed or experienced various conflict-related events during their life-time. Most children reported seeing homes and property destroyed, and many had witnessed people being beaten or tortured by armed forces. Fewer children reported being sexually assaulted or raped or injured by weapons such as gunshots or stabbings, though sadly these were not rare occurrences either.

We found that boys were generally more exposed to conflict than girls. This difference is largely due to boys being more involved with armed groups and more likely to perpetrate violence.

These experiences of conflict can have lasting effects on children’s relationships with their families, friends, teachers and other important social groups. These connections are crucial for a child’s development and wellbeing.

The differences between how boys and girls are affected are important considerations in building appropriate and effective psychosocial support programmes, with tools that address gender-specific needs in conflict or post-conflict situations.

The study

We gathered information from 315 structured interviews with Congolese children. Some of these boys and girls had been actively involved with armed groups in the eastern provinces of the DRC, while others had less direct exposure to the conflict.

Conflict and human rights violations are widespread in the DRC. World Vision has called the decades-long conflict in the country “one of the worst child protection crises in the world”. Further, in a recent UN report on children and armed conflict, 3,377 verified grave violations against children in the DRC were identified. Of these, 46% involved the recruitment of children – some as young as five – by armed forces or groups.

To examine how the armed conflict has affected Congolese boys and girls, we collected data between 2018 and 2019 in the South Kivu province of eastern DRC. We selected our participants with the help and consent of five local child protective organisations.

Our analysis first explored what the boys and girls had experienced during conflict. Then we associated these gendered experiences with differences in social behaviour. We looked at whether there were gender differences in the children’s key relationships with family, friends (and other social groups) and their teachers.

First, we found that war disrupted the family’s ability to provide safety and security, and both children and their caregivers might suffer from the emotional and psychological toll of the conflict. Our study found that girls tended to have a stronger relationship with their family and caretakers compared to boys after conflict. This aligns with previous research suggesting boys may face more challenges in maintaining family relationships. This is particularly the case for those that were active as child soldiers.

Second, our analysis found that boys tended to have more diverse friendship networks than girls, even when comparing former boy soldiers to girl soldiers. Friendships are vital for a child’s wellbeing. Strong and diverse friendships are linked to better mental health, tolerance and understanding.

Lastly, we looked at how gender and war experiences might affect relationships between students and teachers. Armed conflict can have devastating effects on the educational attainment of children. Education, however, supports war-affected children and adolescents in several important ways. Structured school rules, regulations and activities establish a sense of normality, which is crucial to the healing process and wellbeing of children. Overall, the children interviewed had a very positive view of their schools or training programmes. They felt safe, enjoyed spending time with their classmates and viewed their teachers as helpful and caring. However, girls – especially former girl soldiers – were significantly more likely than boys to report that their teachers were sympathetic and supportive.

Why the findings matter

Our research is one of the first to highlight significant differences in how boys and girls experience war, and how these experiences shape their social relationships.

Addressing the differences in the needs of boys and girls after conflict not only improves their wellbeing, but is also likely to positively affect entire households, post-conflict regions and post-conflict countries. While our study sheds light on these differences, more research is needed to understand them in greater depth and, most importantly, to explain why they occur.

Are these differences the result of psychological trauma, behavioural changes, or specific events that happened before or during the conflict? Moreover, we know very little about the long-term effects of war exposure – do these differences fade over time, or do they persist? And how can communities play a role in helping children to overcome these challenges? Do we also observe these differences in other conflicts at other periods?

Understanding these differences is key for policymakers working to develop effective support programmes. Developing and increasing the availability of gender-responsive approaches can help strengthen the resilience of children after conflict. It may also work to strengthen their agency and resilience before conflict.The Conversation

Roos van der Haer, Assistant professor of International Relations at the Institute of Political Science, Leiden University and Kathleen J. Brown, PhD Candidate, Institute of Political Science, Leiden University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

NBA-president-Olumide-Akpata-1 (1).jpg
Olumide Akpata, the Labour Party candidate in the Edo governorship election, criticized rampant vote-buying and low voter turnout, calling the election a "bidding war for votes." He urged citizens to remain engaged in the democratic process and emphasized the need for transparency and accountability in governance.

In the recent Edo governorship election, Olumide Akpata, the Labour Party (LP) candidate, criticized the electoral process as being reduced to a “bidding war for votes.” Following the announcement of All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate Monday Okpebholo as the winner, Akpata expressed his concerns over rampant vote-buying and significant voter apathy.

In a statement released on September 23, Akpata lamented that the election, monitored by YIAGA Africa, was tainted by practices that effectively disenfranchised the electorate. He noted that, while traditional election-day fraud like ballot box snatching was minimal, voter intimidation and result manipulation plagued the process.

Akpata, who finished third behind the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate Asue Ighodalo, pointed out that the low voter turnout illustrated a deep-rooted apathy among the populace, which further facilitated the vote-buying practices. He characterized the election as a “transaction,” arguing that the lack of engagement from voters allowed the two dominant parties to secure a disproportionate number of the available votes.

Thanking his supporters, Akpata reaffirmed his commitment to the principles of good governance, transparency, and accountability. He emphasized the importance of vigilance and active participation in the democratic process, urging citizens to remain dedicated to the ideals that will lead to true progress in Edo State and Nigeria as a whole.

The Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, announced on Monday that the Defence Industry Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) has the capacity to produce arms and ammunition for Nigeria’s security forces and other African nations.

He emphasised that several African countries are now procuring their arms and ammunition from DICON, showcasing the corporation’s growing influence in the continent’s defence sector.

Speaking during a press briefing to mark DICON’s 60th anniversary and to launch the maiden Africa Defence Industries conference, Matawalle assured, “We have the capacity, we can produce, and as you know, many African countries are now coming to DICON for the procurement of their arms and ammunition.”

 

DICON was established in 1964 to enhance national security by reducing the country’s dependence on foreign arms through local production.

Despite this, Nigeria has continued to rely heavily on foreign suppliers for the weapons used in the fight against terrorism, banditry, and other security challenges.

However, Matawalle highlighted DICON’s evolution over the years, stating, “DICON’s journey began with a modest start, focusing on the production of small arms and ammunition.

“Over the years, DICON has expanded its capabilities, venturing into the manufacture of military vehicles, artillery, and other defence equipment.”

 

He acknowledged that the corporation has faced challenges but has remained steadfast in its commitment to self-reliance and national security.

“DICON’s 60-year journey is a testament to Nigeria’s commitment to self-reliance in defence production. Through collaboration and innovation, the corporation has established itself as a key player in the defence sector.

“As DICON continues to evolve, its contributions will remain crucial to Nigeria’s national security and economic growth,” Matawalle said.

The minister also highlighted the significance of the newly enacted DICON Act 2023, which he believes will greatly enhance national development.

 

He explained, “The new DICON Act 2023 has the potential to significantly contribute to Nigeria’s national development and national security by boosting foreign exchange earnings through local production of defence equipment, creating jobs for skilled Nigerians, and reducing capital flight to foreign nations.”

Matawalle further called on innovators, startups, and research institutions to present their advanced solutions that could bolster national and regional security through the Defence Innovation Challenge.

In addition, Abubakar Kana, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, stated that within the next two years, Nigeria would no longer need to import 7.62mm ammunition from other countries.

He said, “I can assure each and every one of us, in the next two years, Nigeria will not buy 7.62mm calibre ammunition again.”

Kana also mentioned that the Federal Government has mandated all agencies to prioritise arms procurement from DICON to support local production.

He added, “The Public Procurement Act also supports local production. Not only military-industrial companies, but any goods that are produced in Nigeria, all procuring entities in the country have been mandated to put it as a first line before importation.”

He concluded by saying that any Ministry, Department, or Agency (MDA) that wishes to procure arms must now seek clearance from the ministry and will only be permitted to purchase abroad if the required items are not produced by DICON.

Drivers, traders and commuters in different parts of Lagos, including Yaba, Ojuelegba, and Ikeja, have shared their thoughts on the ongoing nationwide #EndBadGovernance protest that commenced on Thursday.

The residents FIJ spoke with had mixed reactions about the ongoing protests. While some had high hopes of the protests yielding positive results, others were dismissive.

Nigerians have been protesting against economic hardship long before the #EndBadGovernance protest, both on social media and physically. Two examples were the February and June protests against the high cost of living, insufficient minimum wage and economic crises bedevilling many citizens.

READ ALSO: UPDATED: The 10 Things #EndBadGovernance Protest Conveners Want From Gov’t

The reasons for these protests are not far-fetched. The inflation rate and the cost of goods and services have been high for months. Unfavourable economic policies are equally threatening the survival of thriving businesses.

While Lagos protesters converged on the Freedom Park in Ojota on Thursday, FIJ visited Yaba, Ojuelegba, Oshodi and Ikeja to know what residents thought of the protest.

Wasiu Onanuga, a commercial bus driver who makes a living conveying passengers from Yaba to Ojuelegba, said the government was feeding fat while the poor masses were left to starve.

Onanuga
Onanuga

“The essence of the protest is to make the government have mercy on us, the poor masses,” Onanuga said.

“We are suffering. The government is well-fed, but we are starving. The protest has been peaceful so far. The protesters are not violent. So, the government has to do something about our plight.”

When asked about the impact of the protest on his business, he said, “I won’t deny that the protest is affecting the number of passengers we have been seeing. We know that many people are not outside. We just decided to come out to work just to warm our vehicles.”

Also at Yaba, Anthony, a young Nigerian who works in the private sector, told FIJ that he supported the protest because it could yield the desired outcomes.

Anthony, however, stressed the need for the protesters to have clear demands. “The government thinks we are not ready, but the country is always ready. There is hunger in the land, and we, the youths, don’t have any choice but to protest,” he said.

Some traders at Yaba and Ojuelegba also told FIJ that no Nigerian is exempted from the brunt of the economic hardship, hence the significance of the protest.

Traders at Ojuelegba
Traders at Ojuelegba

Two commercial drivers at Ojuelegba, who refused to disclose their names, expressed mixed feelings about the protest.

Öne of the drivers, who was smoking in the backseat of a bus when FIJ approached him, said, “I think the protest is good and bad at the same time. If we do it, that man’s power (the president) will come down a little.

“I think it’s bad because of its restriction to Ketu and Ojota. If people protest elsewhere, they could be fired. I will join if people are allowed to protest right here in Ojuelegba. I can’t back the world; I will face where the world faces. I just want everything happening in this country to be settled.”

Ojuelegba
Ojuelegba

The second driver, who stood close to the entrance of the bus where his colleague was smoking, lamented the worrisome state of the economy and the prevailing high cost of living.

“I didn’t go out to protest because I am a motorist. I came out to hustle. We spend so much to send our children to school now. We spent more than our parents did when they sent us to school,” he told FIJ.

“Schools are telling us to bring N12,000 for our children in kindergarten. There is no N50 garri anymore; N100 worth of garri is not enough for a child. Even graduates don’t have money. Out leaders should have mercy on us.”

In Ikeja, Bola Lawal, selling snacks, said Nigerians will experience ease and comfort when the government effectively addresses the high cost of living.

While noting that the protest was for the good of all Nigerians, considering that everyone was feeling the impact of the hardship, she was optimistic about the protest.

Bola Lawal
Bola Lawal

“Is the current economic situation good enough? No! Don’t you know the current cost of a rubber of garri? Things have never been this expensive in this country,” Lawal said.

“Or has it? So, this is what every one of us should fight for. The government should kindly answer us and reduce the high cost of food items.

“The government can’t keep folding their arms, watching as things are going. I pray this protest will change the government’s mind so that the high cost of items will decrease.”

When asked about the impact of the protest on her business, she said, “Well, it’s affecting sales, but what choice do we have? The protest is for our own good. It’s for our sake.”

Airfare
 
 
NAMA also announced that the new rates for en-route and terminal navigation charges will now be N18,000 and N54,000 per flight from the initial 2,000 and 6,000 Naira.
 

A rise in airfare prices is anticipated as the Nigerian Airspace Management Agency (NAMA) plans to increase the cost of extending service hours for airlines by 800 percent, raising the fee from N50,000 to N450,000 per extension.

NAMA also announced that the new rates for en-route and terminal navigation charges will now be N18,000 and N54,000 per flight from the initial 2,000 and 6,000 Naira.

Umar Farouk, the Managing Director of NAMA, disclosed this on Friday at an interaction with the League of Airports and Aviation Correspondents, LAAC in Abuja.

He said the move was to cushion the impact of airspace surveillance in Nigeria.

He said, “The Nigerian Airspace Management Agency relies on statutory fees for the management of the airspace (remember that aviation takes place only in the air). These funds are generated from services we provide to the flying community, without these funds NAMA can’t discharge its responsibility of ensuring the safety of our airspace effectively. We majorly generate these funds through the airline companies.”

“Currently, our unit rate for international flights charged for service provision is about $70, domestic flights are charged 6,000 Naira. While NAMA recognizes the difficult economic environment in which aviation operates in Nigeria, it is equally a part of the ecosystem.

”It goes to the same market to procure equipment and other services like training. If NAMA is to survive and continue to guarantee safety and efficiency in the airspace, it must breathe.

“Even though most costs in the economy have increased by more than 1,000 percent, NAMA has proposed to increase its fees by 800 percent. The new rates for en-route and terminal navigation charges are to be reviewed from 2,000 and 6,000 Naira to N18,000 and N54,000 per flight. Also, the extension of hours of service is to be reviewed from N50,000 to N450,000 per extension to enable the agency to recover the cost of diesel and other logistics during the period of extension”.


The implication of this would lead to astronomical increases in domestic airfares and by extension fares on international routes.

At the moment, Abuja to Lagos domestic route airfare stands between N105,000 to N150,000 depending on the airline. While international airfare from Abuja to London stands between N1.5 million and N1.63 million.

 

 

Yaya BELLO

 

The EFCC is prosecuting Ali Bello and Dauda Sulaiman on a 10-count charge bordering on money laundering.

 
Aminu Rabiu, a businessman with Falala Construction and Interior Decoration Company, Abuja has made a confessional statement how he received money for the renovation of former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello, in cash instalments totalling more than N1,000,000,000.
 
Rabiu is seventh prosecution witness brought by the EFCC. 
 
The EFCC is prosecuting Ali Bello and Dauda Sulaiman on a 10-count charge bordering on money laundering.
 
Aminu Rabiu who led in evidence by the prosecution counsel, Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, stated that the money was for the renovation of the former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello’s houses located in various parts of Abuja and Kogi state.
 
According to Dele Oyewale, Head, Media & Publicity in a statement on Monday, the witness informed the court that he met Yahya Bello through his wife Amina Yahya Bello, since 2009.
 
He said; “Yes, I know the immediate past governor of Kogi State, his name is Alhaji Yahya Bello. I knew him through his wife, Amina Yahya Bello sometime in 2009.”
 
He told the court that he knew Ali Bello and Dauda Sulaiman.
 
The witness affirmed that the properties in Jabi, No 9 Benghazi, No 9 Sabi street Zone Four, No 1 Ikogosi Maitama and the house in GRA OKENE, all belong to Yahya Bello. Noting that the house he renovated in Life Camp, Benghazi, also belongs to Yahaya Bello.
 
The PW7 told the court that the money was paid in cash installments and the least he received was Eight Million Naira from various people who made the payment for Yahaya Bello at No 9 Benghazi street and sometimes in life Camp in Ali Bello’s house.
 
Narrating the circumstances for the work and payment for the properties, the witness stated that he renovated the house at No 9 Benghazi Street, Abuja.
 
“No 9 Benghazi, I renovated the house, furnishing and furniture. I was paid about Three Hundred and something Million Naira, they paid me by cash, instalment.”
 
“At Jabi, I did renovations, finishing and polishing, I was paid around Two Hundred Million Naira, by cash installments.”
 
“Life camp, yes, I did furnishing and polishing. I can't remember but it is around Two Hundred Million Naira by cash.”
 
The witness informed the court that he was operating a bank account by which he received money through his company’s name: Falala Construction, “I have a bank account with Zenith bank through which I receive money in my company’s name: Falala," he said.
 
While in Kogi state, the witness told the court that it was his company who demolished and rebuilt the Presidential Lodge in the state and was paid more than Six Hundred Million Naira.
 
“I did one job for the state government. I demolished and rebuilt the Presidential Lodge, I was paid around Six Hundred and something Million Naira and there is a variation of above One Hundred Million. The state government paid into my account”, he said.
 
“I also worked in Kogi state, Okene. I did renovation, I remodeled the house and the finishing. It was around Five Hundred Million Naira, (N500,000,000.00). They paid me in cash. They were made in Abuja.”
 
Meanwhile, Justice Omotosho adjourned the matter to July 16, 2024 for continuation of trial.
 
Dele Momodu, a prominent member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), praised the Igbos as the most brilliant people on earth during an Instagram Live session on Monday, July 8. This statement was made in response to a fan's question about the state of Nigerians in the southeast.
Momodu compared Nigerians of southeast origin (Igbos) to the Japanese, Koreans, Chinese, and Indians, highlighting their exceptional abilities.
The veteran journalist also mentioned that if he were president, he would establish a Silicon Valley in the Eastern part of the country to mirror the renowned global center for high technology and innovation.
“I have always said the Igbo are among the most brilliant people on earth. Most of the Igbos can be compared to Japanese, Koreans, Chinese, and Indians all rolled into one, and that is the truth,” he stated.
He further said, “If I were the president of Nigeria, I would rush quickly to the Eastern part of Nigeria and start a Silicon Valley — it is not rocket science. With the Igbo in two or three years, there will be a technological revolution in Nigeria. They will be able to build their airplane. They will be able to produce their vehicles, they are already doing it.”

 

 

credit link:https://www.facebook.com/100086421011137/posts/455801713977192/?mibextid=NoJtEM&rdid=GU7ELv2r92N2GcI7

 
 
 
 
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Ghana’s economic crisis was caused by government borrowing - the central bank did the best it could: economist


Ghana is going through its worst economic crisis in a generation. The past two years have seen record high inflation in the country. Ghana’s central bank (the Bank of Ghana) has been criticised in some quarters for its role in the country’s economic malaise, which has hit the profitability of Ghanaian banks. The Conversation Africa’s Godfred Akoto Boafo speaks to economist Emmanuel Ameyaw about monetary policy decisions made by the central bank during this period.

What was the Bank of Ghana’s role in the inflation rate crisis?

In 2002, Ghana’s parliament enacted the Bank of Ghana Act 612, Section 33(2), granting the central bank flexibility and autonomy in the use of monetary policy to tame inflation and promote economic growth. At the time, Ghana was struggling with high inflation and low economic growth. The inflation rate averaged 28% in the decade before 2002, and real GDP growth per capita hovered around 1.45%.

The bank unofficially targeted inflation from 2002 until 2007. Inflation fell from about 30% in 2003 to about 10% by 2007. Ghana’s real GDP per capita also rose to about 2.71%. The bank adopted inflation targeting as its official monetary policy framework in 2007.

But as I show in my recent paper, the decline in the inflation rate from 2002 to 2007 was largely due to fiscal policy – that is, the government’s use of taxation and expenditure to influence the economy – rather than monetary policy which is about adjusting interest rates to affect the economy. The period 2002-2007 coincided with Ghana’s term under the joint IMF-World Bank debt relief programme (also called the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative). During this period, Ghana’s public debt (as a share of GDP) declined from 58% in 2002 to 22.5% in 2007.

I argue that it is this reduction in government debt that underlies the decrease in Ghana’s inflation rate during this period. The central bank during this period maintained a passive monetary policy as it did not need to control the inflation rate.

Government debt began to climb again in 2008 after the end of the debt relief programme. It rose from 24.6% in 2008 to about 79.2% in 2021. This drove up the inflation rate because when the government borrows heavily, it increases demand for goods and services, and without a corresponding increase in the supply of goods and services, prices increase, driving up inflation.

Ghana’s public debt reached its limit in 2022, leading to a downgrade of Ghana’s credit rating from Bs to Cs for the first time since 2003, triggering the 2022 crisis.

What could the central bank have done differently?

Similar to other central banks that target inflation, Ghana’s central bank also has a dual mandate. That is to achieve higher economic growth while keeping a low and stable inflation rate. When these two objectives align perfectly, a central bank is deemed to have achieved “divine coincidence”.

Achieving that, however, is difficult. If the central bank, for example, raises the interest rate to lower the inflation rate, the cost of borrowing also rises, leading to a fall in investment, consumption, and economic output.

The 2022 credit downgrade limited Ghana’s government’s ability to borrow internationally, and also reduced Ghana’s international reserves, resulting in a significant depreciation of the cedi and triggering the 2022 inflation crisis. Similar to achieving a divine coincidence, Ghana’s central bank had two options. It could have stood idle, or it could have stepped in by lending to the government.

The bank lent about 37.9bn cedis (US$3.2 billion) to the government, arguing that this kept the economy going. For example, interest payments on government debt and the salaries of public sector workers were paid on time, and there were no shortages of essential items.

What could the government have done differently to avoid the crisis? Well, the answer is obvious: the government should not have borrowed excessively, leading to the downgrade – the triggers of the crisis.

There is not much the central bank could have done differently in terms of monetary policy, except raising the interest rate even more to control the inflation rate, which has its own costs. This might have reduced the capital outflows and the worsening of the exchange rate. However, it would have also hurt private investment and consumption, which would have lowered economic output. The central bank had limited scope to effectively address the crisis via monetary policy.

Given that economic management is complex and full of trade-offs, I would argue that the Bank of Ghana’s actions during the crisis (that is, lending to the government) were appropriate if a collapse of the economy was indeed imminent. From the perspective of the central bank, it was facing a trade-off between avoiding a fiscal crisis (and hence lower economic growth) and avoiding a higher inflation rate. It chose the former, that is, avoiding a fiscal crisis.

What can the bank do better in future?

The Bank of Ghana appears to have fulfilled its role as a lender of last resort to the government, and prevented a situation where the government might have been unable to meet its financial obligations. On the other hand, lending to the government also worsened the inflation crisis.

As a lender of last resort, the central bank cannot be completely independent from the government. Currently, there are no laws that prohibit fiscal financing. As a result, the central bank has the discretion to not commit to zero fiscal financing, especially when a fiscal crisis is imminent.

In the future, the Ghanaian government could consider legislation prohibiting direct lending by the central bank to the government. There’s a similar policy in place at the European Central Bank. Under such legislation, the government could borrow only through bond sales from the public, but not directly from the central bank. Knowing that it won’t be able to turn to the central bank for funding, the government would likely exercise prudence in its spending to prevent the accumulation of public debt in the first place.The Conversation

Emmanuel Ameyaw, Researcher, Graduate School of Economics and Management, Tohoku University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The Director General of the National Agency for Food and Administration and Control, Prof Moji Adeyeye, has issued warning to Nigerians over storing of cooked food in the refrigerator for more than three days.

The NAFDAC boss warned that cooked food stored in the refrigerator for days is vulnerable to disease-causing pathogens, key agents of foodborne diseases that can lead to death.

 

INFORMATION NIGERIA reports that Adeyeye made this known at the commemoration of the 2024 World Food Safety Day with the theme, ‘Food Safety: Prepare for the Unexpected.’

 

She urged stakeholders in food industry to take deliberate actions to institute a safety culture in their operations to reduce hazards and risks that could compromise food safety.

 

Adeyeye warning was made available to the public in a statement released on Tuesday, by the agency’s Resident Media Consultant, Sayo Akintola.

The statement partly reads: “She however, urged Nigerians to refrain from storing cooked food in the refrigerator for more than three days, warning that cooked food stored in the refrigerator for days is susceptible to contamination by disease-causing pathogens, key agents of foodborne diseases that can lead to death.”

The NAFDAC boss also appealed to Nigerians to pay attention to food, adding that it is everyone’s business to watch what they consume.

She said: “Let us all stay true to the statements ‘food safety is everyone’s business’ and ‘food safety is a shared responsibility’ as we celebrate this year’s World Food Safety Day. Working together, we will continue to strengthen our food safety system, ensuring its resilience, robustness, and preparedness for the unexpected.

‘’Let’s all play our part in promoting the culture of good hygiene practices in our homes, communities, and food establishments. Together we can ensure a safer and healthier food supply for everyone.”

A purported conversation between a Nigerian woman named Celine and Andrew has appeared online, causing a stir among internet users.

 
 

The conversation, which has been circulating online, revealed the discussion between Celine, Afiba, and Andrew before they supposedly went from Port Harcourt to Aba to meet him.

 

On Instagram, @ijeomadaisy shared the conversation where Andrew, who has since passed away, supposedly reached out to Celine to inquire about the cost of spending time with her and her friend Afiba, who is said to be married.

“So about what I was saying about both of you coming over and keeping me company for a couple of days. How much will it cost me? Like come Saturday, leave Monday.”

Celine, in her alleged response said she would be charging the sum of N1 million just because it was him that made the demand.

“Because of you, N1 million for the both of us,” she replied.

Check out some of the reactions trailing the alleged chat below:

Queenjulietjessey reacted: “Una must find a way to blame single friend. Married people should create their own village abeg.”

0somi said: “Who pushed who? Let everyone take responsibility for their actions and decisions.”

Izuenu added: “This is why some married men don’t let their wives be friends with single ladies. How can you ve married and be doing such? Wtf is wrong with my gender??”

See the post below:

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