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Man, 41, arrested for posing as Canadian Army Officer

Wednesday, 06 May 2020 20:17 Written by

The Ghana Military Police has arrested 41-year-old Bernard Ayeh of Adjiringanor, a suburb of Accra, for allegedly personating as a Canadian Army Officer.

The said suspect was picked up around the Adentan Barrier general area wearing a camouflage uniform while driving a Mazda saloon car with registration number GR1406-20, a statement signed by Colonel E. Aggrey-Quashie, the Director of Public Relations, Ghana Armed Forces, said.

Bernard Ayeh, the statement said, had in his possession two different types of pistols (a Walther PPS Pistol Serial Numbered AK5810 with 15 rounds and a Springfield Armory XD-9 Pistol Serial Numbered XD883001).

He also had two pistol holsters, two handcuffs with keys, a jack knife, a baton, two fake Canadian Army Identity Cards, bearing the name Lieutenant Colonel Bernard Ayeh, three mobile phones and an amount of ¢13,470.40.

Bernard Ayeh, the statement said, was earlier spotted by a Senior Officer of the Ghana Army around Peduase, but he sped off upon sighting the Ghana Army vehicle and thereby raising suspicion.

The Military Police was notified while the Senior Officer and his aides pursued him to the Adentan Barrier where he was eventually nabbed.

Upon interrogation, the statement said, he confessed that he was not a Canadian Army Officer and that he once worked as a contractor with the Canadian Army, during which he acquired the Canadian Army camouflage uniform.

 

He also disclosed that he bought one of the pistols from an official at the Ghana Police Headquarters, while he inherited the other one from a late Uncle.

Further checks by the Military Police also revealed the suspect’s name had come up in an investigation in respect of personating a military officer and other matters under investigation before the investigative agencies.

The Military Police had, accordingly, processed the suspect for referral to the Police Headquarters for further investigation and possible prosecution.

It, therefore, urged any member of the public who had fallen victim to the activities of the suspect to go forward to assist in investigations.

5-year-old boy is pulled over by Police while driving his parents' SUV to California to buy a Lamborghini with $3 (Video)

Wednesday, 06 May 2020 00:56 Written by

A 5-year-old boy left a police officer shocked after he found him driving his parents' car during a traffic stop. 

Trooper Rick Morgan noticed a driver inside an SUV driving erratically and switching between lanes on a freeway in Ogden, Utah just before noon on Monday.  When he pulled the car over, Morgan said he was shocked to find a young boy behind the wheel. 

'My speedometer showed 32 miles-per-hour,' Morgan told Fox 13. 'It amazed me that when he heard my siren, he did pull over and stop.' 

'When I got to the window and the window came down, I wasn't quite sure what to think. It was pretty clear when the window came down, it was a young, very underage driver.' 

When asked where he had been driving to, the boy replied 'California.'

The 5-year-old reportedly told troopers that he left the house following an argument with his mother after she told him she wouldn't buy him a Lamborghini.  

 

Police say he had been trying to reach his sister's house in California and had planned to buy a Lamborghini when he got there, with the three dollars in his purse. 

 

'It likely would have been much worse had he gone much further,' Morgan told the publication. 'He was sitting on the front edge of his seat so he could reach the brake pedal.'  

 

The boy has since been reunited with his parents.

 

Watch the video below. 

 

 

 

Coronavirus bailouts won’t save startup workers from layoffs

Tuesday, 05 May 2020 00:53 Written by

With millions newly unemployed, it’s unclear what the prospects of former startup employees will be. (James Yarema/Unsplash)

Lisa Cohen, McGill University

As financial markets tumble, investors are pulling funding from startups. Sales for anything but bare essentials have evaporated, while progress on product development and market testing has halted for work that requires in-person collaboration.

Many existing bailout plans are targeted for larger enterprises in industries like aviation and tourism. While limited resources are explicitly earmarked for startups and other small enterprises, they come with stringent criteria and complex and slow application processes.

Many startups already function without cash reserves and lines of credits. Unlike larger resource-rich companies, startups are unable to make pledges to avoid layoffs. This confluence of events means that startups and the jobs within them are vanishing and at a pace that likely exceeds job dissolution in larger, more established firms.

An abrupt ending

The CEO of a startup I’ve been studying for more than two years was forced to cut costs by 50 per cent at the request of a cash-strapped investor. He accomplished this by slashing his own salary to nothing, eliminating positions in the management and sales teams, closing a physical office and severing outsourcing arrangements.

Days later, his major investor said these cuts were inadequate. The CEO explored alternatives, including cutting back to a skeletal staff and seeking government funding to help get through this time. His company fell through the cracks of any bailout schemes. Cutting back staff would halt any progress in product development and the ability to complete desperately needed sales.

Startup founders are being forced to shutter their companies. (Tim Mossholder/Unsplash)

He shuttered the company 10 days after making his first round of cuts, leaving more than 30 employees without jobs. He’s working with investors to offer former employees up to a month’s severance. He and another member of the management team are on WhatsApp and email offering support to former employees as they work through the end of the organization and formulate plans to help them enter an extremely challenging labour market.

For months before the coronavirus hit, many of the employees were already concerned about whether the company would ever find the right market fit. Yet, the investors remained prepared to keep investing to bring a fully developed product to market until the pandemic.

Hastening the demise

Versions of this story are unfolding in startups and small enterprises globally. Some are limping by with pay cuts, furloughs, layoffs and other cost-cutting measures. For many others, the coronavirus has brought about their demise.

The specific circumstances vary. Acquisitions fall through. Startups fail to find product market fit. Their technologies never reach their full potential.

Funding for some startups may have been drying up already. Other startups may have been on the road to closure for some time with the coronavirus simply accelerating the inevitable. We’ll never know if the startups that failed might have made it through in other circumstances.

Working for startups is a risky proposition for employees in the best of times. Over the past four years, my team and I have conducted more than 200 interviews with people seeking jobs and working in startups and those doing the hiring.

The tradeoffs of working for startups

Most of them recognize the tradeoffs inherent to working for a startup. They accept lower levels of stability, salary, career opportunities and resources in exchange for being able to have a larger effect on the direction of the business and greater flexibility in their roles.

Startup workers often accept tradeoffs in order to have more say and greater flexibility. (Unsplash)

When asked what they would do if their organization failed, many said that they would seek a similar role in another startup.

This risk-taking made sense in a thriving ecosystem where startups were scrambling to find talent and a new job was often just days away. Yet it’s not clear how well startup experience transfers to more established companies. In tight labour markets, it may be valued. When millions are newly unemployed, it is less clear what the prospects of former startup employees will be.

Not the same for everyone

This is just one of the many ways that the effects of the coronavirus are unequal. The disease itself has not hit jurisdictions, countries, continents or demographic groups at an even pace. The economic costs of coping with the disease are not equal for already impoverished communities and those with deeper resources.

Jobs are also vanishing for those working in brick-and-mortar retail and restaurants, and for many gig workers who were rarely in the best paying, most secure jobs to begin with. Nor are the lingering after-effects of this crisis likely to be felt in the same way by all.

Bricks-and-mortar stores have also shut down, leading to massive layoffs. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jonathan Hayward

Still some are predicting a renaissance boom following this pandemic with a wave of innovations leading to the founding of new startups.


Read more: The coronavirus crisis: A catalyst for entrepreneurship


After all, the original Renaissance followed the Black Death. Crises of many varieties may plant the seeds of innovation.

But little is known about what a new renaissance would look like — and who will reap its benefits.

Lisa Cohen, Associate Professor, Business Administration, McGill University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Why religious freedom stokes coronavirus protests in the U.S., but not Canada

Tuesday, 05 May 2020 00:43 Written by

A worker from Sanctuary, a Christian charitable organization, tends to homeless people in their tents during the COVID-19 pandemic in Toronto on April 28, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Nathan Denette

Pamela E. Klassen, University of Toronto

Religious freedom, cherished as an American ideal, has been frequently invoked in the United States during protests against COVID-19 public health measures.

In Canada, forms of protests — including by churches — are more likely to focus on the systemic underfunding of long-term care and homeless shelters or the lack of sufficient medical and water infrastructure in Indigenous communities.

Why the difference?

Across the U.S., conservative Christians flouted state and municipal social distancing orders as late as March 31, sometimes by overtly breaking the law, claiming that God, not the state, will protect the people.

During the Christian Holy Week, evangelical and Pentecostal church leaders, often backed by Republican politicians, brought lawsuits against state and municipal governments, arguing that curtailing religious gatherings for the sake of limiting the spread of COVID-19 was a breach of religious freedom.

In this March 15, 2020 photo, a woman prays at the altar at a service at Redemption to the Nations church in Chattanooga, Tenn. While most nearby churches cancelled services because of the COVID-19 pandemic, Redemption to the Nations stayed open. (Troy Stolt/Chattanooga Times Free Press via AP)

With lightning speed, federal and state lawyers weighed in on the balance between public health measures and religious liberty.

By contrast, the story in Canada is largely one of religious organizations of all varieties co-operating with public health measures. To date, there is no equivalent in Canada of these high-profile COVID-19 legal battles in which churches reject both public health directives and state legislation.

Suspicion of science, government

Religiously based suspicion of scientific and government authority is not unique to conservative Christians; Hasidic Jewish communities share these suspicions and constitute a significant number of those infected with COVID-19 in New York state.

 

Even in the case of Hasidic Jews, however, the border might make a difference: Hasidic communities in Québec have been praised for their diligence in adhering to social distancing, in contrast to those in New York, where some rabbis have mocked public health recommendations.

The contrasting responses to COVID-19 in Canada and the United States are rooted in very different national attitudes about individual and collective responsibility for public health.

In the United States, Democratic front-runner Joe Biden may come to embrace Bernie Sander’s plan for “Medicare for All,” but even the devastating reality of being the country hardest hit so far by COVID-19 has not seemed to turn the tide of public opinion on the need for universal medicare.

In Canada, by contrast, leaders across the political spectrum are throwing their support behind public health care, with even some conservative politicians calling for more funding, especially for long-term care. While Donald Trump tweeted a call to anti-public health protesters to “liberate” their states, in Ontario, Conservative Premier Doug Ford dismissed a scattering of such protesters in Toronto as selfish “yahoos.”

Invoking religious freedom in an attempt to opt out of health-care legislation is much more common in the U.S. than Canada. Both countries protect religious freedom, dating back to 1791 in the United States with the First Amendment of the constitution guaranteeing the “free exercise” of religion, while in Canada, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms has protected the “freedom of conscience and religion” since 1982.

Religious freedom as a rallying cry

These parallel guarantees, however, stem from very different histories of using religious freedom as a rallying cry, including to resist public health care. I’ve discussed this in my research, especially in relation to women’s reproductive health.

In the wake of former U.S. president Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act, for example, Catholics and evangelical groups used a religious freedom argument to contest the new mandate that their health insurance plans provide access to contraception for women employees.

Demonstrators are seen in front of the Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., in March 2014 protesting against Obamacare requirements that businesses provide female employees with health insurance that includes access to contraceptives. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak)

In Canada, the less frequent citing of religious freedom rights in the courts to curtail health-care access may be related to a wider acceptance of health care as a public good and a basic human right.

In both Canada and the U.S., the struggle for publicly funded health care in the mid-20th century depended on coalitions of politicians, medical professionals and religious leaders. In Canada, a Baptist minister-turned-politician, Tommy Douglas, galvanized the country with a vision that public health care for all was a human right and, for some, also a religious obligation.

Tommy Douglas is shown in this October 1983 photo in Ottawa. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Chris Schwarz

Similarly, in the U.S., when Dr. Montague Cobb, leader of the National Medical Association, successfully argued for Medicare before Congress in 1965, he concluded his testimony with a Christian hymn.

The Canadian version of public health care, however, now serves a much wider range of the population than Medicare does in the U.S., and has become a cornerstone of Canada’s national identity, with minimal overt connections to religion.

But in the United States, public health care remains a source of profound national and religious division. The current Republican administration regularly uses religious freedom legislation, including conscientious objection rules for health-care providers, to chip away at Medicare, limiting access to health care for women, LGBTQ, poor and rural people.

A time of reckoning is coming when public health measures and public and private health-care delivery will be assessed for their effectiveness during the COVID-19 pandemic. The role of religious communities and the ideals of religious freedom in supporting or impeding public health must be included in this reckoning, especially in the United States.

Pamela E. Klassen, Professor of the Study of Religion, University of Toronto

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Atlanta cop who beat 15-year-old black boy till he went unconscious gets 20-year sentence

Monday, 04 May 2020 02:19 Written by

The non-white community has been alarmed about police brutalities against African-Americans with some recorded deaths.

Even more harrowing is seeing such rogue cops get away with zero or little punishment as if Black lives don’t matter.

But it has been good news for the African-American community when police officer, Matthew Johns was handed a 20-year sentence this week after he was indicted on eight felonies for beating 15-year-old Antraveious Payne in 2018. 

Antraveious Payne’s mother said her son’s behavior changed for the worse and he started to experience chronic headaches after Johns attacked him.

Johns was indicted on eight felonies, including four counts of aggravated assault, two counts of violation of oath by an officer and two counts of giving false statement for repeatedly kicking and choking a 15-year-old boy until he was unconscious and then lying about it.

Johns pleaded guilty on July 10, and was sentenced on Monday to 20 years with five to serve in prison in connection with the 2016 incident reports TFTP.

Disturbing dashcam footage revealed Johns beating the Atlanta teenager even when he offered no resistance, but what made the police officer’s case even bizarre is that Matthew had road crash with his cruiser a few weeks prior and was barred from driving, but managed to check out a vehicle and used it to ram another car, then beat the teen and lied about the entire ordeal.

Matthew Johns was part of the department’s elite Apex Unit doubling as a Marine and on September 15, 2016, in southwest Atlanta, WSB-TV reported then that Antraveious Payne and two teenage suspects riding in a stolen car were given a chase by Zone 3 officers and Georgia State Patrol.

It was during the chase that Johns alighted from his cruiser and kicked Payne in the head. The video also showed he kicked the teen more than once, struck him on his side repeatedly and then was seen kneeling on his neck before punching him in the head while cuffing him.

Johns told investigators he thought the teen was reaching for a gun. But one of his supervisors didn’t think his story added up, especially when the other officers on scene said the three suspects never resisted.

Prosecutors, using the video of the incident, agreed, noting that Payne got out of the car and laid on the ground with his hands up, showing he did not have a weapon and was willing to surrender.

Nevertheless, Johns still beat the hell out of him until the teen fell unconscious. Payne was beaten so badly by Johns that he was hospitalized with a concussion and suffered multiple lacerations to his face.

According to the report, after the incident, Johns was placed on administrative leave and no action was taken until a new police chief took office and reopened the case.

Johns was then fired. However, for beating a compliant suspect for no reason, he faced no criminal charges—until more than a year later.

A lawsuit by Payne or his family is likely to emerge which could cost the taxpayers of Atlanta despite Payne breaching the law by riding in a stolen vehicle because of Johns’ excessive use of force.

It does appear Johns actions are not unique as a recent investigation from the Atlanta Journal-Constitution analyzed 184 fatal police shootings in the state of Georgia since 2010 and according to the data, at least 70 people were shot in the back by police officers.

California Cop pins unarmed black boy on ground, punches him repeatedly in the chest

Monday, 04 May 2020 02:09 Written by

A disturbing viral video of a white police officer in Northern California pinning a 14-year-old black boy on the ground, and repeatedly punching him in the chest during an arrest for cigarette possession, has sparked outrage online.

The footage was shared on social media by the boy’s family. It showed the unnamed Rancho Cordova police officer striking the teen repeatedly as he struggles on the ground. The officer at some point pinned the boy on his neck. 

“There is not one reason that validates a full size armed man, to sit on, punch, and try and break the arms of a child,” Black Lives Matter Sacramento wrote Tuesday on Twitter, Daily News reported.

When will the coronavirus restrictions end in Canada?

Sunday, 03 May 2020 03:34 Written by

A woman wearing a protective face mask walks past boarded up shop windows in Vancouver on March 25, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck

Catharine Chambers, University of Toronto

COVID-19 was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization on March 11, 2020. Since then, many regions around the world — including all Canadian provinces and territories — have declared states of emergency and implemented strict public health measures, effectively putting cities under lockdown.

Canadians for the most part have adapted to this “new normal.” But as many of us are now well into our second month of social distancing, fatigue is setting in. People are grappling with unemployment or reduced work hours and the economy is suffering its worst downturn in decades. It’s not surprising that many people might be asking: When will this end?

There is no easy answer to this question. Despite mathematical projections and expert opinions, the reality is: we don’t know.

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Surveillance signals

Global COVID-19 cases now top two million.

But there are promising signs that the public health actions we’ve taken are working. Although cases are still increasing in Canada, they are doing so at a slower rate than two to three weeks ago. Our hospitals and intensive care units are not overwhelmed, as they were in areas such as Italy or New York where interventions weren’t implemented soon enough.

The Gardiner Expressway in Toronto is almost empty in the as the sun rises on April 19, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Frank Gunn

But it’s too early to tell if we’ve reached the peak of the first epidemic wave.

That’s because the surveillance trends we’re seeing today actually represent a snapshot of the pandemic from about two weeks ago. It can take five days on average for someone infected with COVID-19 to develop symptoms, and even longer for someone who is symptomatic to seek health care, get tested and be reported to public health authorities.

On top of that, due to limited testing, reported cases are only the tip of the iceberg of infections in the community.

We will likely need to see a sustained reduction in the number of new daily cases over multiple weeks and consistent trends across multiple data sources before social distancing measures can start to be lifted.

Necessary conditions

But a decrease in the number of new cases will not be enough. Certain conditions will also need to be in place before our public health interventions can start to be relaxed.

According to the World Health Organization, it will depend on a number of factors, including whether the spread of COVID-19 is controlled through population-wide measures like social distancing and whether our health-care systems have the capacity to detect, test and isolate cases and trace their contacts.

Certain conditions will need to be in place before we can begin to relax our public health interventions. (Sven Hoppe/dpa via AP)

It will require additional measures in place to prevent outbreaks in high-risk settings like long-term care homes where nearly half of all COVID-19 deaths in Canada have taken place. And it will require preventive measures to be set up in essential settings like workplaces and schools along with ongoing efforts to manage risks from imported cases.

Most importantly, it will require community education, engagement and empowerment. It will require striking the right balance between our collective responsibility to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in our communities and an individual’s willingness to engage in social distancing over the long term.

Public health decision-making

This is an evolving situation.

Public health officials are making decisions using the best available evidence about this novel virus and adjusting their strategies as new evidence becomes available.

A ‘Closed’ sign hangs in a store window in Ottawa on April 16, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld

Decisions about when to start reopening society are multifaceted. They should prioritize the health of Canadians while at the same time minimizing the economic and societal impacts of these necessary public health measures.

These decisions should be clearly communicated to the public and based on scientific data, not political rhetoric.

Because of geographic variations in the timing of the pandemic, we can expect that different provinces or countries will reopen at different times — for example, in early hot spots like Spain and Iran where some restrictions are already being lifted, or as recently announced for some parts of the United States.

Another more likely scenario is that these public health interventions will be turned on and off over a prolonged period depending on our health-care system’s capacity to care for the sickest patients at each successive epidemic wave.

Serological tests — which check the blood for antibodies to SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19 — would give us some indication of how many people in the population remain susceptible, which could inform our public health response. Such tests were recently approved in the U.S. and should be available soon in Canada.

A woman in a protective face mask walks past a boarded up shop downtown Vancouver, B.C. on March 31, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jonathan Hayward

Importantly, while these public health interventions seem as though they came in overnight, there will be a more gradual return to a somewhat normal life. If these measures are eased too fast or too early, we could see a rebound of cases that would again risk overwhelming our health-care systems.

The way forward

So, when will the pandemic end?

We are seeing positive signs of “flattening the curve” for this initial wave in some Canadian provinces like B.C., where social distancing measures may start to be relaxed as early as mid-May. But as with prior influenza pandemics, we might also anticipate a second fall wave or seasonal circulation of COVID-19 since the majority of people are not yet immune.


Read more: When will we return to normal after coronavirus? The data will tell us


The true end to the pandemic will most likely not happen until a vaccine is developed — a scenario that is still at least 12 to 18 months away — or herd immunity is achieved.

Until then, it depends on our collective efforts to physically distance, combined with enhanced testing and contact tracing, to slow the spread. These efforts are difficult, but now is not the time to ease up or begin taking small social risks. Instead, we must listen to the public health experts and work together to reopen society.The Conversation

Catharine Chambers, PhD Candidate, Division of Epidemiology, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Nova Scotia mass shooting shows how deadly unlicensed gun owners can be

Saturday, 02 May 2020 16:32 Written by

A woman places a pinwheel in front of a mural dedicated to slain RCMP Const. Heidi Stevenson, a victim of a shooting rampage carried out by a man with unlicensed weapons, in Cole Harbour, N.S., on April 24, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Tim Krochak

R. Blake Brown, Saint Mary’s University

The federal government has announced a ban on assault weapons following the recent mass shooting in Nova Scotia. The man who killed 22 people in the province had illegally stockpiled firearms.

Gabriel Wortman’s father said his son had a “helluva a gun collection.”

The RCMP says he did not have a firearms licence yet had handguns and semi-automatic rifles, including firearms sourced from the United States.

It’s troubling that Wortman could accumulate the weapons and ammunition necessary to carry out his rampage. And it’s possibly evidence of an enduring problem: gun smuggling from the United States, which provides a stream of illegal weapons for criminal gangs in Canada.

It also highlights that some seemingly law-abiding Canadians create private gun collections outside of the normal licensing and registration systems.

Hidden guns

In 2004, Bruce and Donna Montague of Ontario faced multiple charges after police seized over 200 firearms and thousands of rounds ammunition — many hidden in a secret room in the basement of their house.

Bruce Montagueholds a sign with his group’s beliefs during demonstration against gun control laws on Parliament Hill on Jan. 1, 2003. (CP PHOTO/Jonathan Hayward)

Bruce Montague was a gunsmith and a fierce opponent of gun control who became a darling of those who claimed Canadians have a right to possess firearms. He fought a lengthy battle in the courts, unsuccessfully appealing his conviction to the Ontario Court of Appeal.

People like Bruce Montague are not gang members or professional criminals. Until caught, they often appear to be law-abiding gun owners, and their defenders dismiss the charges against them as “paper crimes.” That suggests that otherwise responsible gun owners who do not abide by Canada’s firearm laws are committing victimless crimes. They and their supporters often share a deep distrust of government regulation and the state.

Several Canadian gun groups encourage this attitude and warn that many firearm laws are mere pretexts to firearm confiscations. The slogan “registration leads to confiscation” has been popular for decades.

Groups representing gun owners are generally careful to inform their members they must comply with the law, but they also warn of nefarious politicians seeking to confiscate personal property. In 2013, the Canadian Shooting Sports Association tweeted that there were “only two reasons to register something – gov’t plans to tax it or confiscate it.”

 

The National Firearms Association blared in a similar tweet in 2016 that “registration preludes confiscation.” Rod Giltaca, the CEO and executive director of the Canadian Coalition for Firearm Rights, tweeted in 2018 that: “Despite what all anti-gun folks have said since the beginning of gun control, registration does lead to confiscation.”

 

The Conservative government of Stephen Harper responded to fears of confiscation by limiting the federal government’s ability to track firearms. Most famously, his government passed legislation in 2012 to abolish the long-gun registry, despite resistance from police organizations, victims’ groups, the government of Québec and a sizeable public investment in the creation of the registry.

Tories took further steps

The Conservatives also took steps undermining the firearm licensing system and the ability of police to trace weapons that received less public attention.

Harper acknowledges the crowd following his speech at the annual general meeting of the Ontario Federation of Anglers and Hunters in Mississauga, Ont., in March 2009. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darren Calabrese

For example, the Harper government issued a grace period for gun owners who failed to renew their firearm licences. And in 2015 it passed legislation that rolled back requirements passed in the 1970s that required gun retailers to record the sales of non-restricted firearms.

The Conservative Party continued to resist efforts to strengthen firearm record-keeping when the Liberal government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau introduced legislation (Bill C-71) that again requires gun retailers to keep track of non-restricted firearm sales. Conservative politicians and gun groups complained that the legislation created a “back-door gun registry,” despite the fact it did not establish a centralized system of record-keeping.

The subtext of the messaging used by gun groups and some Conservative politicians is that gun owners should not trust the government when it comes to firearms. That’s dangerous, because it could encourage people to acquire guns without a licence.

While most firearm owners abide by Canada’s regulatory regime, Wortman’s actions show the possible danger of an unlicensed citizen accumulating and using stockpiles of weapons for criminal purposes. We should therefore hardly excuse people who own unlicensed weapons as only committing “paper crimes.”

R. Blake Brown, Professor, History, Saint Mary’s University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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