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Curious Kids: Do teachers get paid when they go on strike?
Tuesday, 28 January 2020 05:11 Written by theconversationCharles Ungerleider, University of British Columbia
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Do teachers get paid when they go on strike? — Zara, 10, Toronto.
Many people are confused about whether teachers get paid their salaries during a strike. The short answer is that they don’t.
But striking teachers often receive a bit of financial help during a strike from money they themselves have already paid to their unions. In other words, teachers are paying themselves when they strike.
On strike
When employees strike they refuse to perform their normal duties because they have a strong complaint about how the employer is treating them.
The employer, in this case, is the school board — a group of schools in a particular region.
Teachers may be striking because the school board wants to put more students in the classes they teach, or teachers feel the school board is not paying them enough money for their work.
In other words, a strike is a sacrifice that teachers make today to improve things tomorrow.
How can you pay yourself?
When teachers get paid for their work, a very small portion of the money they earned goes into what’s called a teachers’ union — a big group of teachers who share common professional interests.
My involvement with unions has shown me that negotiating as a group of workers (a union) with an employer (a school board, for example) for wages, working conditions and benefits protects individual workers from being treated unfairly by an employer.
I was a union member when I was a teacher and when I’ve held other jobs. Then as a school trustee, I was an employer (representing a school board) that negotiated with teacher unions.
The money teachers pay toward their union is called union dues or membership dues and this money is used to pay for many things.
These dues pay salaries of the union officials who organize teacher meetings or who arrange the professional learning teachers do when students stay home on a professional development (P.D.) or professional association (P.A.) days.
They support teachers in many other ways too, like representing teachers in negotiations with their employers, the school boards, if either teachers or the school boards want to change the terms of employment.
A portion of the dues a teacher pays to her or his union also goes into a bank account in case of a strike.
Agreeing on work conditions
The process for making decisions about wages (the money teachers make), working conditions and benefits is called collective bargaining.
Collective bargaining is a negotiation between the union representing teachers and a representative of the school board. In some cases, such as in Ontario, there could be provincewide bargaining legislation, which means that the position of the province’s ministry of education is the position that school boards are required to take into discussions.
When the union and employer come to an agreement, they enter those decisions in a document called a collective agreement. When an agreement cannot be reached, both the employer and the union have tools they can use.
The employer can prevent teachers from working and earning their wages by locking them out of the school. The union can strike.
No regular work, no pay
When teachers strike, they are refusing to perform their regular assigned work, and they don’t receive their pay from their employer.
Instead their union often pays them a small amount of money (about $50 to $100 each day) so that they can pay some of their normal expenses, like rent, food and transportation.
This money comes from the union’s strike account. The payment from the strike account comes from the membership dues the teachers pay each month.
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Charles Ungerleider, Professor Emeritus of Educational Studies, University of British Columbia
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Satisfaction with Canada's democracy declines significantly in Alberta
Tuesday, 28 January 2020 04:51 Written by theconversationAndrew Parkin, University of Toronto
A functioning democracy depends on the support of its citizens. The popularity of specific leaders and political parties may rise and fall, but ideally without affecting the extent to which citizens are satisfied with the political system and have trust in its core institutions, including the executive, the legislature and the judiciary.
In recent years, concerns have been raised about the decline in confidence in democracy in many Western countries.
Read more: Are we witnessing the death of liberal democracy?
In the Canadian context, these concerns appear overstated: on the whole, satisfaction with democracy and trust in the political system in Canada has gradually been rising over the past decade, not falling.
This national trend, however, may disguise divergent trends at the sub-national level. Given the country’s decentralized federal political structure, it’s essential to look deeper by focusing on provinces and regions.
Using data on Canadians from the AmericasBarometer surveys, the Environics Institute for Survey Research examined a variety of questions related to confidence in the political system.
Polls of approximately 1,500 adult Canadians were conducted online five times over the past decade: in 2010, 2012, 2014, 2017 and 2019. These questions asked about satisfaction with, pride in, support for, respect for, trust in and approval of different political institutions or politicians.
In general, the survey results confirm that on these questions, national trends in Canada can be misleading, precisely because they often mask opposing regional ones. The answer to the question of whether Canadians are gaining or losing confidence in their democratic institutions depends in part on which region one is referring to. This can be illustrated in more detail by contrasting the trends in Québec and Alberta.
Québecers satisfied
Those concerned with national unity will find it reassuring that confidence in Canada’s political system in Québec is not significantly lower than average. This is notable given Québec’s status as a minority nation within the larger Canadian federal state — and one whose political leaders frequently contest the extent of the autonomy afforded to the province under the current federal arrangement.
Québecers are now slightly more likely than other Canadians to be satisfied with the way the political system works in Canada, and just as likely as other Canadians to be satisfied with the way democracy works. Québecers are also more likely than other Canadians to have a lot of respect for the country’s key political institutions, and just as likely to feel proud of living under the political system of Canada and to feel that that political system is worthy of support.
They have just as much trust as other Canadians do in elections, in Parliament and in the prime minister. They also have just as much trust in the Supreme Court, which is important since it is, among other things, the final arbiter of the federal-provincial division of powers.
Where Québecers stand out is on questions of identity. They are much less likely than other Canadians to feel a lot of pride in being Canadian (although very few feel no pride at all, indicating that while Québecers do not embrace a Canadian identity as strongly as other Canadians, most do not reject that identity either).
They are also much less likely to strongly agree that Canadians have many things that unite them as a country.
Trouble in Alberta
More worryingly, from a national unity perspective, is the finding that satisfaction with democracy and trust in the political system has declined significantly in Alberta.
Notably, the largest declines did not occur immediately after the start of the recession in the province in late 2014. The data suggest that Albertans initially remained hopeful, but that levels of satisfaction with Canadian democracy faltered after changes of government at both the provincial and federal levels in 2015 proved unable to quickly reverse the province’s economic fortunes.
To illustrate, in Alberta, between the 2017 and 2019 surveys:
• Satisfaction with the way democracy works in Canada fell by 19 points;
• Trust in elections fell by 10 points;
• Strong agreement with the proposition that “those who govern this country are interested in what people like you think” fell by 19 points;
• Strong respect for the political institutions of Canada fell by six points;
• Strong agreement that one should support the political system of Canada fell by 10 points;
• Strong pride in living under Canada’s political system fell by 10 points;
• Trust in parliament fell by eight points
• Trust in political parties fell by five points;
• Trust in the prime minister fell by 18 points; and
• Trust in the Supreme Court fell by 13 points.
In short, in Alberta, a decline was registered on a wide range of measures, and in each case, the decline was greater than that in any other region (in fact, in most cases, confidence in democracy in other regions improved over this period, with the exception of Atlantic Canada, which registered several modest declines).
Importantly, the declines are not limited to questions related to party politics (such as approval of the performance of the prime minister), but also to those related to support for the political system.
Slightly below average
These findings, drawn from a more comprehensive report entitled “Public Support for Canada’s Political System: Regional Trends,” show that these declines leave levels of confidence in Alberta only slightly lower than average.
This is because confidence in democracy was previously higher in Alberta than in the other regions. But even though Albertans don’t yet have significantly lower confidence in the country’s political system than other Canadians, they do stand out as the one region where confidence across a range of measures has declined sharply in recent years.
The main takeaway from this analysis is this: if the trend continues, a significant gap in support for the political system will emerge between Alberta and the rest of Canada.
Andrew Parkin, Executive Director, Environics Instittute / Sessional Lecturer, Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy, University of Toronto
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Impeachment trial senators swear an oath aimed at guarding 'against malice, falsehood, and evasion'
Monday, 27 January 2020 10:42 Written by theconversationSusan P. Fino, Wayne State University
The 100 United States senators who are jurors in the impeachment trial of President Donald Trump have taken a special oath in order to take part in that proceeding. As they enter the active phase of the trial on Tuesday, this oath is supposed to govern their behavior.
It’s not the first oath that the lawmakers have taken in their Senate careers.
Members of Congress, as well as federal judicial officers and members of state legislatures, must swear to “support the Constitution.” But the Constitution does not specify the form of the oath. So the very first Congress crafted an oath of office and – with minor modifications – that is the oath each member of Congress swears when he or she takes her seat in the House or the Senate.
There is a second oath that members of the Senate must take when conducting an impeachment trial. The specific text for this oath was developed in 1868 for the impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson. The rules for impeachment were revised by the Senate in 1986 for the trial of President Clinton.
The words of the oath and the requirement of a signature remain substantially the same: “I solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case may be) that in all things appertaining to the trial of the impeachment of (the president’s name), President of the United States, now pending, I will do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws: so help me God.”
Senate rules also require that each senator taking the oath memorialize that action by signing an official register.
‘Require some guaranty’
Justice Joseph Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, written between 1848 and 1853, articulated the reason for the requirement of an oath in government:
“It results from the plain right of society to require some guaranty from every officer, that he will be conscientious in the discharge of his duty. Oaths have a solemn obligation upon the minds of all reflecting men, and especially upon those, who feel a deep sense of accountability to a Supreme being.” “[O]aths are required of those, who try, as well as of those who give testimony, to guard against malice, falsehood, and evasion, surely like guards ought to be interposed in the administration of high public trusts, and especially in such, as may concern the welfare and safety of the whole community.”
Certainly, a decision made by the Senate on removing a president from office counts as a “solemn obligation” that affects the welfare of the United States.
The requirement that each senator attest to the oath to do impartial justice by signing an official record is meant to emphasize the gravity of that obligation.
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Susan P. Fino, Professor of Political Science, Wayne State University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
3 Rockets Fired At US Embassy In Baghdad As 3 Anti-Government Protesters Are Killed Overnight
Wednesday, 22 January 2020 04:59 Written by OASESNEWSPopular News
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Friday, 17 January 2020 10:59 Written by CNNAlberta had a world-renowned research foundation — reviving it would raise Canada's profile
Tuesday, 14 January 2020 03:15 Written by theconversationJohn Bergeron, McGill University
Forty years ago, the former premier of Alberta, the late Peter Lougheed, instituted the Alberta Heritage Foundation for Medical Research. The foundation transformed Alberta scientifically and economically, and attracted scores of talented scholars to the province to establish their careers in discovery research in the life sciences.
The foundation was terminated in 2011, and the consequences have hit discovery research and innovation in the life sciences particularly hard.
Collip and the discovery of insulin
Alberta’s link to Canada’s most important medical discovery may not be well known. Canada has received only one Nobel Prize in medicine: it was awarded to Banting and Macleod in 1923 for the discovery of insulin. However, the key work was done in large part by James Bertram Collip of the University of Alberta. While on sabbatical in Toronto, Collip was invited by Macleod to join the team studying an extract from the pancreas that would lower blood sugar levels in diabetic dogs.
Collip was the first to isolate the hormone we now know as insulin from the crude pancreatic extract. His experimental rigour and talent established the methodology to enable industrial-scale production of insulin, saving tens of millions of lives globally.
As Canada gears up for a celebration of the 100th anniversary of the discovery of insulin, perhaps it should recognize Alberta’s Collip.
The Naylor reports
The demise of Canada’s stature in discovery research — especially in life and health sciences — has been well-documented. Two separate detailed reports were commissioned by two different federal governments. Both reports were put together by medical researcher David Naylor, the former president of the University of Toronto.
The first, “Unleashing Innovation: Excellent Health Care for Canada” was submitted in July 2015 to former federal health minister Rona Ambrose. The report was “dead on arrival” in Ottawa.
In May 2018, Kirsty Duncan, the former federal science minister, commissioned a second Naylor report called “Canada’s Fundamental Science Review: Strengthening the Foundations of Canadian Research.” After some initial enthusiasm expressed by Canada’s scientific community, implementation of the findings of this second report has not been completed.
A key recommendation was to reinvest in open fundamental research. The federal government only funded half of the target amount considered essential to sustain discovery research in Canada by this Naylor report.
Today, there’s no dedicated minister of science. The coincidental elimination of funding programs renders Canada less competitive for discovery research in life sciences.
Research credibility
In the wake of the federal government’s election results in western Canada, a unique opportunity currently exists that may help address the aspirations of the Naylor reports.
One possibility would be to reconsider Lougheed’s vision to make Alberta a global centre for medical research. A federal government initiative to set up a world-class research institute modelled on the United Kingdom’s Francis Crick Institute or the European Molecular Biology Laboratory in Heidelberg, Germany, would pay enormous dividends for Alberta and Canada.
Several world-famous fundamental life science researchers in Alberta provide the international credibility for such a suggestion.
One that comes to mind is University of Alberta virologist Michael Houghton. Already awarded the American Lasker Prize, Houghton was further recognized with the Canada Gairdner International Award after he was recruited to Edmonton. However, he declined the award.
Also at the University of Alberta, cell biologist Richard Rachubinski has recently been featured by the news magazine of the world’s leading chemistry society: the U.K.-based Royal Society of Chemistry. France’s leading popular science magazine La Recherche independently featured the same Edmonton discovery.
Rachubinski’s research investigates parasites that cause devastating diseases in humans; he discovered that when a protein known as Pex3 was inactivated, the parasite died. As reported in Chemistry World, this research provides new hope for the millions of patients globally that suffer (and the thousands that die) from the diseases caused by parasites known as trypanosomes.
Especially relevant is that these diseases have been neglected in part because they were so difficult to study and partly because they tend to affect citizens of less affluent nations.
Inspiration towards excellence
Canadian hockey legend Wayne Gretzky famously said: “I skate to where the puck is going to be, not where it has been.” This quote was cited by Steve Jobs when he created Apple Inc. and can surely be applied to the creation of the Peter Lougheed Institute for Life Science Research.
For Canada to emerge as a world leader, a focus on the abundant talent of emerging women scientists (as proposed previously), would truly be going where the puck is going to be.
John Bergeron gratefully acknowledges Kathleen Dickson as co-author.
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John Bergeron, Emeritus Robert Reford Professor and Professor of Medicine, McGill University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Canada's non-diplomacy puts Canadians at risk in an unstable Middle East
Sunday, 12 January 2020 19:18 Written by theconversationJeremy Wildeman, University of Bath
Canada is caught in a mess of its own diplomatic making following the recent escalation in conflict between the United States and Iran. This escalation seemed to contribute to the downing by Iran on its own soil of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, with 57 Canadians aboard.
This is not just a matter of Canada being caught in an international conflagration involving the Trump administration after its targeted killing of Iranian Maj.-Gen. Qassem Soleimani.
It is also the result of an unnecessarily aggressive posture of Canada’s own when, in 2012, Stephen Harper’s Conservative government closed its embassy in Tehran and expelled Iranian officials on short notice from Canada.
The context of war and Flight PS752
Flight PS752, with its stop in Kyiv, was popular with Iranians flying to Canada because there are no direct links between the two countries. It is also a cheap alternative route in Iran, which is impoverished by sanctions, conflict and corruption.
For months, the U.S. and Iran had been antagonizing one another across the Middle East. These regional rivals have been particularly aggressive since the U.S. withdrew in 2018 from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) treaty, brokered by Barack Obama’s administration, and imposed new sanctions on Iran.
The JCPOA had been designed to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Iran had been upholding its part in the agreement.
This tension escalated to dramatic new heights when the U.S. carried out the unprecedented act of openly assassinating another country’s top official. A fate typically reserved for non-state players in the post 9/11 era, it was carried out at Baghdad’s international airport. Ten people died in the drone attack, including Iraqi factional commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis. This has effectively demolished existing international norms for conduct.
Hillary Mann Leverett, a former White House National Security official, told Al Jazeera the killing of Soleimani amounted to a “declaration of war.”
Iran retaliated
The killing led directly to Iran saying it would no longer honour the JCPOA and launching missile attacks on American military bases in Iraq three days later, with no casualties. It may not be surprising in such a tense environment if the Iranian military fired missiles at an airliner taking off from its own airport, fearing an imminent U.S. strike. Iran, however, should likely have grounded all flights that day, too.
Iran first denied it had shot down the plane, but after Iranian social media users ran rampant with speculation that Iranian missiles were responsible, the government admitted to its actions. Protesters have since taken to the streets against the regime.
Canada’s 2012 decision to cut diplomatic ties with Iran has played a role affecting the tragic loss of Canadian citizens.
It was a decision based heavily on internal political calculations. It has been at great cost to Canada’s ability to have a presence and institutional contacts in Iran to understand the politics and society there — and provide services to Canadians.
This lack of basic intelligence on the ground has hobbled Canada at the worst possible time. Because of these poor relations, Canada also has only limited access to participate in the investigation of the downed flight.
Trudeau primarily blamed Iran
Canada justified cutting ties in 2012 by saying Iran was the world’s “most significant threat to global peace and security.” Prime Minister Justin Trudeau seemed to toe that line in his Jan. 11 news conference, laying blame primarily on Iran.
Trudeau has largely been a adherent of his predecessor’s Middle East policy. However, diplomatic representation would significantly help in the aftermath of the downing of Flight PS752. What is more, countless Iranians are looking abroad for support for their own cause of reform and liberalization, and instead have been subjected to sanctions that harm innocent citizens most.
Diplomatic ties offer opportunities for dialogue essential to avoid conflict and resolve disputes. Further, Canadians live, travel and do business around the world, and a large community of Canadians of Iranian descent need access to Canadian diplomatic representation for their own safety and well-being.
That is why Canada has representation with other states around the world, even some of the most notorious. Indeed, one of Trudeau’s campaign promises in 2015 was to restore diplomatic relations with Iran.
Though the Harper government added legislation that made it difficult to reverse the 2012 decision, it can be done with political will.
Canadians need an embassy in Iran
No one yet knows what the fallout will be from the escalation between the U.S. and Iran. The Middle East is now even more unsafe and unstable. Iran will feel compelled to respond after so egregious an attack on its officials, to save face and show attacks on its leadership come with a cost.
Meanwhile, Iraq is in greater upheaval. And no one can determine yet what the global impact will be after the U.S. so dramatically smashed existing norms of statecraft.
More than ever, Canada needs a presence to be able to deal on its own with the aftermath of these terrible events, with Canadian interests front and centre. As the tragedy of Flight PS752 has made explicit, Canada only hurts itself and Canadians without it.
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Jeremy Wildeman, Visiting Research Fellow, University of Bath
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.