Liam Kennedy, University College Dublin

The election of Joe Biden as the 46th president of the United States was received across much of the world with a mixture of relief and exuberance, though often laced with apprehension. A common theme in news headlines and Twitter feeds was that normal service was being resumed in the US and in international affairs.

In France, the newspaper Le Monde ran with the headline: “American Elections 2020: Joe Biden’s victory sparks huge relief in Europe.” On Twitter, Paris’ mayor, Anne Hidalgo, tweeted out: “Welcome Back, America.” In Germany, the cover of the news magazine Der Spiegel depicted Biden putting the severed head of the Statue of Liberty back on the torso (referencing an infamous cover from 2017 that depicted Trump severing the head). The image is accompanied with the ironic text “Make America Great Again.”

The theme of an American restoration was repeated in news and social media across the world. The symbolism is strong, but it is less clear what is being restored. In this it echoes the “return to normalcy” theme in Biden’s election campaign in the US, a nostalgic nostrum that vaguely promises a reset of American principles and policies. What is at issue in these desires to go back to a pre-Trump America?

In the US, the desire for normalcy surrounding the election of Biden reflects an existential anxiety – that Trump ignited a devastating attack on liberal democracy that may prove epochal.

The contradictions and tensions in American liberal democracy have been forcefully revealed with his presidency, which took advantage of the gap between declared liberal values and political reality. Trump not only exploited that gap, he spoke to latent desires and emboldened expressions of identity in both politics and people that had long been marginalised or silenced.

With Trump’s ousting, the liberal desire for a return to normality has been amped up via the figure of Joe Biden. It was clearly articulated by the new president at his inauguration, in his pleas for national unity and his promise to end the “uncivil war” in the US. David Sanger, in the New York Times, noted that: “Mr Biden’s inauguration was notable for its normalcy, the sense of relief that permeated the capital over an era of constant turmoil and falsehood ending.”

But there was little that was normal in the scene of a scaled-down inauguration taking place with only a handful of socially distant, masked participants and surrounded by the militarised landscape of a post-riot Capitol. The image was not of national healing but of a national emergency.

Accompanying the desire for normalcy and sense of relief is the implication that the “Trump era” was an aberration, a temporary deviation in the natural political order of things.

This is an attractive and tempting palliative for those who resisted Trump’s spell and disavow the significance of his political rise and appeal to millions of Americans. In this view, Trump was “the cat in the hat” – an unwelcome visitor and unruly avatar of instincts for disorder, evicted once the parents return. Enter Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.

But Trump (and Trumpism) was and is something more than a temporary eruption in the order of things or mere symptom of a malaise in American public life. Trump unleashed the libidinal forces of “illiberal democracy”, undermining America’s commitment to constitutionalism, the rule of law and individual rights. He supported these forces in the US and encouraged them elsewhere, transforming the landscapes of American political culture and foreign affairs in ways we are still trying to understand.

American myopia

Americans pay little heed to external perspectives on their country and by and large do not respond well to critical views of it or of their leaders. That may be viewed as stubbornly patriotic, but it is more fundamentally due to a deep-seated ignorance founded on a myth of national exceptionalism, a myopia that is quintessentially American.

Trump’s presidency should remind Americans of the fragility of the social and political order that so many take for granted. Is it not a little shocking that Americans should need to be reminded of this? Perhaps not, perhaps the amnesia is a component of the American worldview, which commonly displaces the most serious challenges to democracy on to others elsewhere.

As the American writer Tom Wolfe once quipped, the “dark night of fascism is always descending in the United States and yet lands only in Europe.” Of course, “it can’t happen here”.

Might it be that the importance of Trump’s election and presidency has been better or at least more readily understood in other countries where there is a living memory of the pains of populist authoritarianism, where people are more familiar with how reality can be dismantled?

The Slovenian-American writer Aleksandar Hemon suggests as much when, in the wake of Trump’s election, he commented:

In America, a comfortable entitlement blunts and deactivates imagination – it is hard to imagine that this American life is not the only life possible, that there could be any reason to undo it.

Hemon filters his perspective through his experiences and insights from living in Sarajevo during the Bosnian war “through a time when what cannot possibly happen begins to happen, rapidly and everywhere”. Observing the disorienting impact of the early days of Trump’s presidency, he wryly notes that: “‘Reality’ has finally earned its quotation marks.”

Reality did indeed earn its quotation marks in “Trump’s America”, a fantasy world in which Trump supporters imaginatively and emotionally invest. It’s a world in which conspiracy theory and social media combine to create an alternative reality, a world that is self-contained and self-reinforcing – and impervious to facts.

Galvanised by Trump’s near messianic leadership, the fantasy has become pervasive and is deeply embedded in the imaginations – the fears and desires – of millions of Americans. It cannot simply or swiftly be undone.

Back to reality

“America is back, ready to lead the world, not retreat from it”, Biden stated in November as he introduced his foreign policy team. The “America is back” refrain has been repeated ad nauseum by Biden’s surrogates in the past few months.

What it means in terms of policy remains unclear. More symbolically, it is declared as a rebuttal of Trumpist foreign policy, infamously sloganed as “America First”, suggesting a renewed era of US global engagement and leadership. But the meaning remains open and opaque and, as Julian Borger observes in The Guardian: “How a slogan as all-encompassing as ‘America is Back’ is received around the world will inevitably be a Rorschach test for what is perceived to be the ‘real America’ that has been absent in the past four years.”

The perception of what constitutes the “real America” is both a domestic and foreign policy dilemma for the US. Assumptions about liberal democracy at home and about a liberal world order abroad are no longer acts of faith.

As we head into a “post-American world”, global enthusiasm for democracy cannot be assumed, nor can the ability of the US to set an example, for that has been undone by the spectacles of civil unrest and the disastrous handling of the coronavirus pandemic. The domestic “uncivil war” will, as political scientist Francis Fukuyama warns, have “consequences for global democracy in the coming years”.

Biden’s foreign policy team are talking up democratic solidarity between states as the basis for a new internationalism but this cannot be a restoration of liberal hegemony. It must reckon not only with the damage done by the starkly nationalist “America First” doctrine: it must also acknowledge the failings of liberal internationalism before Trump became president. After all, neoliberal globalisation gave rise to the political and cultural blowback called Trumpism in the US and its ethnonationalist cousins across the world.

Making a fetish of normalcy is a form of American exceptionalism. “America is back” may prove as myopic and delusional as “Make America Great Again”.

Liam Kennedy, Professor of American Studies, University College Dublin

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Thomas Klassen, York University, Canada

The end of Donald Trump’s dysfunctional tenure in the White House means the start of a relatively normal presidency under Joe Biden. But what does normal even mean after four years of a presidency and a president that have been anything but?

Biden emphasized unity in his inaugural address in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, the dangerous scourge of misinformation and bitter partisan divisions in modern-day America:

“To overcome these challenges, to restore the soul and secure the future of America, requires so much more than words and requires the most elusive of all things in a democracy: unity.”

His success over his long political career, in fact, has come from seeking gradual reforms, building coalitions and aiming for bipartisan compromise rather than pursuing or leading a revolution.

That’s in stark contrast to political novice Trump, whose successes in his short-lived political career came from brazen actions that provoked intense reactions from both supporters and opponents.

Quieter politics

Partisan loyalties will continue to be rampant in Washington, but the flames of the divisions between Republicans and Democrats will not be fanned by Biden, who has signalled repeatedly that he’ll act with much more civility than his predecessor.

Executive orders will still be signed, but likely without the fanfare Trump courted and without partisan supporters surrounding the president in the Oval Office. Quieter politics are expected to be the hallmark of the early months.

Presidential tweets will probably emphasize unity rather than focus on airing petty presidential grievances. Biden will not use the presidency as a bully pulpit to foster division, but as a tool to nurture social cohesion. Vice-President Kamala Harris, cabinet members and White House officials will play a large role in communicating the Biden agenda, in contrast to the focus that Trump placed on himself.

Policy directions will likely be signalled well in advance of decisions being made, or at least ahead of decisions being announced. As a politician for more than half a century, Biden knows that preparing the groundwork is essential for successful policy implementation, while blindsiding stakeholders is a sure way to fire up the opposition. In practice, this entails slower and less centralized decision-making.

Working with Congress

Working closely with the Congress — the legislative branch of government comprised of the Senate and the House of Representatives — is a major objective of the new administration. Biden invited Mitch McConnell, now the Senate minority leader, to attend church with him on the morning of Inauguration Day — and the Kentucky politician accepted the invitation instead of attending Trump’s sendoff at Andrews Air Force Base a few miles away. That’s a hopeful sign of bipartisan healing.

Biden was elected to the Senate 48 years ago in 1972, when Richard Nixon won his second term as president. Fewer than half of current American voters were alive when Biden travelled to Washington for the first time.

No president has spent more time in Congress. His 36 years in the Senate chamber is more than triple that of the next most experienced senator to reach the White House — Lyndon B. Johnson.

Congress makes laws, is the voice of voters and of the 50 states in Washington. As Trump learned, it has the authority to investigate the executive branch, so a combative relationship with legislators is dangerous and ultimately brings no benefits.

Although the Democrats have a majority in both houses at the moment, the Senate majority is razor-slim. With weak party discipline, Biden will need to spend time courting individual senators to gain their support for his administration’s policies and priorities. At the same time, he must prepare for the possibility that mid-term elections in 2022 might restore a Republican majority in the Senate.

Foreign policy

An awareness that the United States — as the dominant global superpower — has special responsibilities in shaping the world order will guide foreign policy. Biden isn’t likely to diverge from the foreign policy objectives that have explicitly or implicitly driven the country’s politicians since 1776.

At the end of the day, heads of government — whether in Washington, Beijing or Berlin — must protect and advance the interests of their nations and voters. But there will be a more nuanced application of this objective in the White House. The national self-interest will not be as naked under Biden it was with Trump.

The Paris climate accord is an example of a largely symbolic agreement that gains legitimacy when the U.S. participates. Nothing is lost by the U.S. by rejoining the accord as indeed Biden has done on his first day in office.

The Biden administration is expected to pay more attention to American allies and those it seeks to influence, including Canada. Tough negotiations on trade, troop levels in countries like South Korea and in the Middle East, as well as the role of China, will be part of Biden’s daily briefings.

But the president isn’t likely to publicly comment on, or tweet, the details. Symbolic trips like Barack Obama’s visit to Hiroshima in Japan may find their way into the president’s itinerary as means to extend goodwill and solidify alliances.

A normal presidency with clear objectives and strategies seems easy in the exhilarating first weeks of a new administration. Then, invariably, the unforeseen occurs, events escalate uncontrollably and crises ensue. Only then will the character of Biden and his presidency be fully revealed.

Thomas Klassen, Professor, School of Public Policy and Administration, York University, Canada

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Four years, a series of amazing records broken and new ones set within just two weeks to exit in the United States’ 250 years of existence. Impeached twice, setting a new record. There have only been two existing before 2019, Trump’s two means he has equaled the total number of impeachments for the POTUS, achieved within a single term. Evicted from Twitter; that does not even happen to a yahoo-yahoo boy in Nigeria!

“Pride goes before destruction, a haughty spirit before a fall.” – ‭‭Proverbs‬ ‭16:18‬ ‭(NIVUK‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬)‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬

Like myself, many concluded four years ago that this con man, Donald Trump, whose name is now approaching that of Judas Iscariot in infamy, would be kicked out of the White House after just a term. Even before the end of his first year, there were whispers that some worried members of his cabinet were meeting secretly to plot his removal by invoking their constitutional rights. Like that man you know, but whose name you must not mention, his behaviour is like that of a madman. A fool remains a fool, at all times, every day. Never fight with a fool as you may become a fool like him. If you fight with a pig, you pull yourself into the mud. This fool dragged millions of others into becoming fools. Dunce Donald turned many wise men into fools as they tried to manage him.

He did not even move into the palace with any dignity to start with. His hat was yellow, his shirt was red, his tie was hunter, his jacket was Monaco, his pant was a parakeet, his wristwatch was mermaid, his pair of stockings was slate, and his shoes came as dandelion. His dress exposed his face, harbour in colour. When he spoke, you see the mauve tongue, and as the mouth reveals itself, you see magenta teeth, and an iris foliage of “mother-in-law tongue.”

Four years, a series of amazing records broken and new ones set within just two weeks to exit in the United States’ 250 years of existence. Impeached twice, setting a new record. There have only been two existing before 2019, Trump’s two means he has equaled the total number of impeachments for the POTUS, achieved within a single term. Evicted from Twitter; that does not even happen to a yahoo-yahoo boy in Nigeria! He invaded Capitol Hill to upset democracy; what Robin Hood would not even have tried. He lost a re-election bid and went on a tirade, like Yahya Jammeh, the maniac who once governed the unfortunate people of The Gambia. He set the stage for violence, chaos, and anarchy, like the evil men who created apartheid in South Africa. And in the words of one of his four-year presidency’s collaborators, the Senate Majority Leader, he “provoked the mob” to overthrow the Congress proceedings. Just for his own sake, he did not even care if they murdered his loyal vice, Mr. Pence, with his family.

The nincompoop, simpleton, became the president of the United States (POTUS) with the highest number of pro-impeachment votes from within his party, with many Republicans equally having had enough of the ninny. Indeed, it was the first time in U.S. history that all members of the majority caucus in the House of Representatives unanimously voted impeachment for any president.

Accolades! Suffice to say, the biblical Samson must have served as his preface, saving more in death than when alive. Oh, Trump is not dead, but his presidency went into a decrepit abyss. Trump’s presidency, already characterised so, will be remembered as one that badly divided Americans along strict party and racial lines; perhaps, worse than any other in history. However, the last one week has seen a gradual change in the narrative. People put aside party rivalries to conclude that he was not just a wrong choice, but bad enough to prevent anyone like him from ever coming close to the public office again.

For the last four years, he was advised; he was warned; he was appealed to; he was cajoled. He was humoured, defied, and was given every benefit of reasonableness to change course and become a true leader. But as one intoxicated, he was blinded by praise, drunk on hubris, deafened by applause, deadened by momentary success, and ultimately he was brought down by these same things.

Let me sermonise, like the fundamentalists who believe in him. For many, perhaps, we have to analyse this as beyond just the physical. Trump’s fall from the highest pinnacle of power in the whole world is nothing but a spiritual event — a profoundly spiritual event that should cause all persons to pause and reconsider their ways. Look at Trump. There is no human being that could have orchestrated the perfect combination of factors that brought him down, leading to his disgrace and shameful exit from the White House as the only U.S. president to be impeached twice.

For the last four years, he was advised; he was warned; he was appealed to; he was cajoled. He was humoured, defied, and was given every benefit of reasonableness to change course and become a true leader. But as one intoxicated, he was blinded by praise, drunk on hubris, deafened by applause, deadened by momentary success, and ultimately he was brought down by these same things. This is the predictable part, which the Bible verse above refers to.

Pride will lead to a big, public fall. Mr. Success in Nigeria, Mrs. Success in Jamaica, go ahead and abuse everyone you meet on the way. Bravo! Cleverman, assure yourself that you can solve all problems. Congratulations! The rich, maltreat the poor. Success! Professor, you are the best. Oh my God! Egotism has an end, always ending in tears. A homily ends in a warning, the unpredictable part. The ones that must cause every thinking being to pause and reflect and seek spiritual meaning, are the events of the last one year, all of which, like domino pieces, one after the other, led to a cascading collapse of the Trump House of Horrors.

Foremost was the pandemic, so unforeseen, and yet the perfect scythe to cut down Trump’s biggest boast — the economy and jobs. Once the economy nosedived, nothing was left for Trump to boast about. Oh, and that was not all. Believed to be the most secured country in the world by many, Trump could not stop boasting of the U.S.’s military might, resulting in threats, some executed, on nations around the globe. Indeed, while he always seemed to be prepared militarily, he was far from prepared with his common sense. Even when it became inevitable that the U.S. had just been hit with the worst pandemic, his reactions, unintellectual charades, blames, and name-calling, ensured he didn’t do what was required to protect the citizens of the U.S., recording the highest death toll from the pandemic. A clown and a murderer, this is the summary of Trump within the last one year.

Besides the invading force of COVID-19, Trump’s self-caused casus belli for his inevitable fall was his tomfoolery racism. He was sitting atop the apogee of power in a country that has thrived as the most sought-after destination of people from different parts of the world, Africans inclusive. Consequentially, who could have known that the popular event in recent American history — the police killing of an unarmed black man, this time, George Floyd — would successfully galvanise Americans to mobilise intensely, and turn out at the polls like never seen, in unprecedented numbers, to reject a transparently racist president and his equally immoral party. Perhaps arguably, were it not for George Floyd, nominating the first black woman as VP during this election cycle might have remained impossible. Worthy of note is that Harris was not the only nominated black woman, with Stacey Abrams also appointed by Biden himself. The statistical odds have always been against this. And, perhaps, Kamala Harris’ emergence had to do more with her being multiracial in origin — being African-American and Asian-American — thereby appealing to several U.S. citizens.

It all calls for reflection. Sober reflections. Enough said of a colossal disaster making his disgraceful exit already, never to be seen again. Let me rest my head, take my coffee, and of course, go for my morning run, patiently awaiting what the Biden-Harris presidency has to offer us.

Unable to cope with defeat, Trump was not ready to leave the White House without his legacy imprinted on American politics. And what could the madman think of? Inciting a racist mob to overrun the U.S. Capitol Hill, maybe to perhaps prevent the Senate ratification of the Biden-Harris fair electoral win. Ever a more stupid clown? And there, Trump left a legacy which, without mincing words, was a brazen attack on the U.S. democracy — the pinnacle of democracy around the world. A dirty, oily stain on the White House. Making a comeback is allowed, but Trump sealed his fate with the Republican Party in the mud after his selfish and stupid display of uncouthness and sheer arrogance. Oh! Establishing and registering a new party for 2024 might be a thing. The foolish man is on to a new silly game.

Reflecting upon this chain of events, and it seems only karma, fate, providence, destiny, preordination, and divine intervention of some sort could have planned the last year for Trump. It brings to mind the humiliation of the biblical Nebuchadnezzar, the proud king who at the very height of his kingdom’s dominance, God made to lose his mind and eat grass for seven years like a beast.

Never again!

‘O Iblis! What is your reason for not being among those who prostrated themselves?’ Iblis said: ‘I am not one to prostrate myself to man, whom Thou didst create from sounding clay, from mud moulded into shape.’ Allah said, ‘Then get thee out from here; for thou are rejected, accursed. And the curse shall be on thee till the Day of Judgement.’ Qur’an 15:28.

If Trump goes North, may he be followed by rede rede.
If Trump goes South, may he be followed by rada rada.
If Trump goes East or West, may he be followed by rede rede, rada rada
His companions will be شياطين;

Dozens of Shayāṭīn who will inject waswasah into his galb
His food will be the fruits of Zaqqum
He will be left with five friends:
The Tir, the father of losses and calamities
Al-Awa’r, the mother of debauchery
Sut, the inventor of lies
Zalambar, the police of chaos
Dasim, the instigator of hatred

I will never use my tongue to speak evil!

It all calls for reflection. Sober reflections. Enough said of a colossal disaster making his disgraceful exit already, never to be seen again. Let me rest my head, take my coffee, and of course, go for my morning run, patiently awaiting what the Biden-Harris presidency has to offer us.

Toyin Falola is professor of History at The University of Texas at Austin.